Tourism Development Is a Wide-Ranging Activity - Essay Example

Tourism and Development Tourism development is a wide-ranging activity that should never be divorced from a serious and concerned examination of environment and society. In fact, the development system consists, at a minimum, of a mixed system of elements and linkages derived from the economy, environment, and society. For present purposes, the so-called "development triangle" represents the major elements just noted. Conversely, environmental systems cannot realistically exist in an operational vacuum but most co-exist with judicious economic development and address relevant needs and aspirations of society in the same mixed system. Regrettably, many environmentalists seem unaware of this fact. This once again points to the necessity, for policy makers, managers, and scholars alike, to subscribe to an integrated systemic approach. Within this integrated approach to the development system are the three critically important and interdependent subsystems: economy, environment (conservation), and culture (including society). Taken together, the expanded system illuminates and in practical terms largely equates with the total environment, the total ecosystem, or more precisely the human environment, as an operational system (Gartner 1999, 117; Smith & Eadington 1992, 92). To think narrowly of the human world order in terms such as the "natural environment perturbed by human agencies" omits so much, is unrealistic and artificial, destroys an integrated approach, and by its restrictiveness all but denies sustainability in its non-fundamentalist new sense (West 2004, 307). At the other extreme, to think narrowly in terms of tourist management concerned only with tourism supply, demand, infrastructure, and consumers, in other words "the industry," is to sadly misinterpret today's realities. To view development in the matrix of the development system does not dilute attention to the economy or natural environment; rather, it adds significantly by acknowledging previously missing elements. Under contemporary circumstances, the natural environment is being looked at much more seriously than before, but in a considerably wider context. In developing countries1, it is understood that long term survival means the conservation and enhancement of the resource base in a closely knit milieu of cultural needs and economic aspirations. I term this element in this context "conservation," but conservation in its widest sense. Poverty is considered a major element in environmental degradation in some countries (for precision in the use of the term "degradation," see Butcher, 2002, 80). Attempts to prevent poverty in some places, and in others to prevent degradation from other sources and to restore degraded landscape while maintaining acceptable living conditions, require both development and redevelopment to take new and more benign directions. Large numbers of the elements of more conventional development may remain, but they may not be extended as far as previously and they might now explore new directions while others are being reassessed (Butcher 2002, 45). The removal of negative externalities where serious environmental and social impacts exist would normally become an expected cost of production, and higher consumer costs would be a tradeoff for a nondeteriorating, overall human environment (Farrell 1992, 27). The use of higher priced, chemical-free meat and vegetables, perceived by numbers of tourists as already worthwhile, or higher room rates associated with lower tourist densities on environmentally sensitive land would be examples. But for the tourism operator, all would not be lost by any means. What might appear a setback in one area can be an unexpected surprise in another. Interesting tradeoffs may arise, such as specialized eco-tourism (Mowforth & Munt 2003, 112). Other examples include tourism protecting or reinforcing the protection of wildlife in Kenya, gorillas and chimpanzees in Zaire (World Wildlife Fund-Conservation Foundation 1988 cited in Smith 2003, 33), harp seals in Labrador, wetlands in Jamaica (Van Beek 2003, 252), and rain forest in Costa Rica (Budowski 1976 cited in Sinclair & Stabler 1997, 79). Non-haphazard and monitored growth under these circumstances, so-called "charted development" under the rubric of sustainable development, implies long term commitment. This means monitored development in which society and the environment, cultural and environmental conservation, are viewed as essential considerations, as factors of production. Past development models, often imposed from abroad or from another region, are rejected in favor of essentially indigenous national, regional, or local models compatible with on-the-spot human, economic, and social needs and aspirations (Wahab & Cooper 2001, 64). In this way, local people feel more a part of the process and can give development full attentive cooperation, other things being equal. For the time being, this is termed "cultural compatibility." The local society essentially becomes a partner of the tourist industry, not just another resource; and partnership brings with it responsibilities and obligations. As a partner, the local society must for its part see that tourism runs smoothly along agreed-to lines (Kiggundu 2002, 14). When immediate enthusiasm for one part of the development mix system is pushed with little regard for other components, and with no consideration for the future, disaster is often just around the corner. The East-West arms race, the development of the automobile in the United States, over-irrigation in parts of California, and over-fertilization in Midwest farming in the United States, are examples of head-in-the-sand development (Farrell 1992, 38). Tourism abounds with similar short term, take-the-money-and-run examples. There are numerous Hawaiis, Miamis, and Costa Bravas existing or in the making. This abundantly shows the need for long term planning to avoid the dire consequences of operating within too short a time frame (Jafari 2001, 147). Furthermore, it can easily be argued that, once underway, the short term development strategy can easily develop a momentum of its own, virtually making a transfer to a sustainable long term mode non-viable. In the past, local communities have often been overlooked in development decisions, but it has become clear that many more voices are demanding a part in decision making which will vitally affect their future. Not only do people demand better access to information and to participate in decisions based on this information, they also do not want to become developmentally more dependent than before. There is also usually an essential wish to be in a position to supply a much greater proportion of the goods, resources, services, and management talent that accompanies new development. Such things are commonly referred to as "local input." If these issues are not addressed, cultural compatibility will have been violated (Lafferty &Van Fossen 2004, 121). Finally, when the majority of these elements - an integrated approach, conservation, charted development, cultural compatibility, long term planning, and local input - come together in such a way that development activity firmly focuses on halting degradational processes, on restoration, and on the use of locally acceptable development strategies which appear capable of continuing indefinitely into the future without harmful side-effects, then the situation will be well on the path toward sustainable development (ibid.). Though realistically, ultimate sustainability is probably not achievable. Being of high concern perspectives on development continue to be polarized. Debates on the costs and benefits of tourism are ideologically charged. Advocates of tourism claim it is labor-intensive and a major contributor of foreign exchange. It thus reduces reliance on primary export crops and, through tourism employment and income multiplier effects, provides much-needed employment and increases national income directly, indirectly and by improving overall economic buoyancy. Tourism may also attract foreign investment and help inculcate new skills in the labor force, making optimum use of such natural resources as sun, sea and sand, and promoting 'exotic' indigenous cultures as attractions, thus gaining comparative advantage from otherwise profitless aspects of nature and culture (Gartner 1999, 104). Such development is allegedly environmentally sustainable because tourism is an industry without chimneys. Further, by exposing LDC hosts to guests from more developed societies, tourism helps incorporate the former into the global economy. Critics of tourism as a development strategy assert that the economic benefits are less than claimed and that social and cultural impact are overwhelmingly negative. They point to leakages from the economy arising from imports of products used in the tourism industry and to the dominant role of the multinational firm in the provision of hospitality and tour operations, and argue that the employment provided is relatively unskilled, with better-paid managerial jobs filled by expatriates (Gartner 1999, 120). In addition, the values diffused to members of the host population, especially the young, are considered examples of undesirable demonstration effects which pollute local cultures (Ryan & Hall 2001, 55). Critics also note numerous forms of environmental pollution resulting from mass tourism. Some even claim that tourism is another form of colonization or imperialism. In so far as they support any kind of tourism, they advocate alternative forms of tourism based on small-scale, participatory ventures that are socially, culturally and environmentally sustainable. For instance, the dominant players in African tourism are the mediators - the tour operators. The dictum 'Tourism is a mediated activity' (Sinclair & Stabler 1997, 80) holds for any destination, but a fortiori for African tourism (Gartner 1999, 201). Tour operators scan the world for profitable new destinations, and in the event of problems discard old ones in favour of new ones (Jafari 2000, 151), and tourists in Africa tend to rely completely on the arrangements made by these professionals. As a consequence the 'industry' has no loyalties: it is mobile, does not take root in countries and can easily be redirected to other venues, despite high local investment. Such mobility severely reduces the bargaining power of African countries in this arena (Sinclair & Stabler 1997, 26). On the other hand, host countries often cherish severely inflated expectations, and references to income from tourism may read like a cargo cult: 'manna from heaven', the 'Utopian dream of profit without exploitation' (Van Beek 2003, 257). The reality of tourism is quite at variance with that dream: this unusual industry shows huge 'leakage' (Farrell 1992, 39), which means that most benefits remain in the North, not the South. For example, over 70 per cent of the revenue of Kenyan tourism goes straight to the multinational corporations that either mediate the tourism, or (co-)own the hotels (West, 2004, 307). The low wages of local service staff contrast with the high wages of expatriate managers, and the multiplier effect seems to be hardly operative (Smith 2003, 46). Africa (excluding the Middle Eastern countries of the continent, Egypt and Lybia) claims a modest share of world tourism, some 3-3.5 per cent of all arrivals, and 1.8-2 per cent of receipts (WTO, 1999 cited in Wahab & Cooper 2001, 128), much less than its size and variety would suggest. The proportion has not grown over the last ten years, not in arrivals nor in the expenditure of the tourists, nor has the leakage become less. The 3 per cent growth in African tourism contrasts with e.g. a 15 per cent growth in the Middle East. Furthermore, within Africa, South Africa takes a third of the traffic, and so do the Mediterranean countries of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia (Mowforth & Munt 2003, 62). So the majority of Africa is not a 'global player' but a rather marginal destination. Yet, for local communities, even limited tourism is important. Sources of outside revenue are scarce, and the cash income from tourism is very welcome. Many LDCs, especially islands and small states, have become reliant on international tourism but, apart from oil-producing states, it is the wealthier ones among them, along with newly-industrializing countries, that attract most international arrivals. This is partly because they had already achieved stability and a basic standard of infrastructure before tourism started-holiday makers are not normally attracted by civil disorder, abject poverty, poor hygiene and major health risks-and partly because tourism does bring economic benefits (Smith & Eadington 1992, 144). Even where income multipliers are relatively low, the foreign currency and jobs obtained from high-spending tourists generally exceed what is obtained from backpackers or home-stay tourists, where leakages are less and income multipliers higher. Economic benefits may be unequally distributed, but this reflects state policy and is not an inherent disadvantage of international tourism. In many LDCs, tourism has certainly led to growth in the informal economy, prostitution, which has been exacerbated by some forms of sex tourism (Ryan & Hall 2001, 77). The social and cultural consequences of tourism are undoubtedly problematic. The more international tourism is promoted in a destination area, the more care is required in adapting existing social institutions, developing new ones and co-operating with outside organizations engaged in promoting or opposing tourism. Along with other influences from developed societies, for example, the globalization of industrial production and consumption and the spread of television and other mass media, tourism can affect politics and family life, create new economic opportunities for the young and for women, and place traditional practices under threat (Ryan & Hall 2001, 93). Political leaders are faced with the challenge of deciding how far to encourage tourism, from which they may derive economic benefit, and risk seeing the basis of their own power threatened. At the cultural level, as well as the much-debated demonstration effects, arts and crafts in many LDCs have been influenced by tourism demand, and while some deplore the loss of authenticity and the production of airport art, others have praised the adaptability of local dancers, carvers or sculptors and the boost given by tourism to local production. However, international tourism is here to stay, and while small-scale alternative tour ism can exist alongside mass tourism, it cannot replace it. Policy makers and planners in LDCs need to choose the most appropriate tourism course to follow and will be assisted most by careful and competent research into the costs and benefits of tourism, which vary from one society to another. Ideally, supported by all with the long-term interests of sustainable tourism at heart, they will prioritize the wider economic, social and cultural interests of their populations, but their failure to do so should not necessarily be blamed on the tourism industry (Mowforth & Munt 2003, 74). Opposition to many aspects of tourism, like its promotion, is internationally organized and injustices are quickly publicized. Realistically, ultimate sustainability is probably not achievable. At any particular time, some groups may not be in a position, or may not be inclined, to meet the challenge. Human values constantly change, and a host of other parameters are in flux as the result of new directions or systemic surprises - natural, economic, or social (Gartner 1999, 232). But that point is academic. The goal, sustainable development, is concrete even if some elements are elusive. Among world leaders, perceptions are now becoming strong that contemporary conditions are so bad that there appears to be no other course than to strive for the only goal which has been globally articulated despite its flaws and lack of precision. Implicit in the various notions of sustainability is that possible impacts of any strategy, new or old, should be anticipated and corrective action taken (Lafferty & Van Fossen 2004, 127). For some, there will be a conflict here. To escape damage successfully, new action will often have to be taken by policy makers and managers while the scientific jury is still out. This is happening now as major food producers turn to chemical-free production in a response to buyer perception rather than argued, proven fact. Ceilings are put on development or densities on the assumption that, if intervention did not take place, resulting conditions would be untenable. WORKS CITED Butcher, Jim. 2002. 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