Exploring the Media Policy in China and Argentina - Literature review Example

Essay Student’s Name Institutional Affiliation Abstract Since the 18th and 19th centuries, communication has formed an integral part in shaping the interaction between governments of the world, economic world and socio-cultural interaction. Communication policies have a long history though the most notable periods when the media started attracting significant interests of the stakeholders it serves is with the emergence of telephony, telegraphs, and wireless emerged. This was early in the 19th century within which the communication policies were pursued for state interest as well as financial corporate benefits interests. Ever since, communication has undergone significant paradigm shifts. From the end of the Second World War and lasting up to the 1980/90’s sociopolitical interests dominated communication policies. From the 1980’s however, communication policies have been largely influenced by technological innovations and trends in politics and the economy. This paper explores the media/ communication policies in China and Argentina. The history of communication polices with regard to politics, economy, society and cultures are first explored. The paper then looks into the concepts and theories relating to media policies in the two countries. The aspects that have shaped the present policies in the two countries including ethical considerations are included. Finally, the paper looks at the challenges of the media policies as well as the future trajectories. Introduction Communications policies originate from the interaction between state’s pursuit of national interests and the commercial and industrial enterprises. Through communication and media policies, governments and industries seek advantages by putting in place regulations and restrictions. According to broadcaster Colin (1997: p.101) policies refer to conscious projects aimed at achieving some goal, and the means and time proposed for achieving them. Significant developments have occurred in the field of communication and media policy, especially reflecting the evolving communication technologies and the increase in value of communication in the ‘postindustrial’ societies (Cuilenburg et al 2003: p. 200). The changes in media policies have generally been guided by the notion of ‘public interest’ that each democratic state is expected to pursue in the benefits of its citizens. This notion affects the society at large and not just the individuals who are directly affected. A number of issues in the governments that demands regulation and change of the policies have constantly influenced Media policies. The issues relate benefits expected from political, economic, social and developments in technology but more often than not policies are shaped by threats on the grounds from health, economic welfare, environment, and security (Martin 2003: p.18). Historically, state politics have received accusation as the major enemy of the freedom of expressions. At the same time however, the state through constitutions and the legal systems, has been an effective guarantor of this freedom. Making of media policies have in this way not been an easy procedure as policy makers try to ensure public interests. Through media policies states and policy makers often aim to ensure the culture of its people are protected and therefore the policies are often inseparable from the influence of culture (Philip 1991: p. 297). Through media, governments make efforts to define a national identity and reinforce sovereignty. Media Imperialism The theory postulates that lesser countries risk losing their identity because larger countries constantly dominate the media. As larger media companies start to expand, smaller companies are either faced out of the market or absorbed by the larger ones. Herman and Chomsky (2002, p.46), while analysing the news media in the United States argued that the mass media are efficient and influential ideological institutions that facilitate and support propaganda due to overreliance of on market forces, tenuous assumptions as well as self- censorship without fear of intimidation. According to McChesney (2000a, p.7), the international media systems are profit oriented and this may come along with anti-democratic effects. The rapid establishment of a system of international commercial media in the early 1990 and the emergence of transnational communication corporations further empowered the mass media. He further argued that the profit driven broadcasting systems of America could not be a natural system. On the other hand, Bagdikian (2002, p.25), argued that the media monopoly without direct control from the certain bodies would lead to misuse of mass media in spreading propaganda. He further documented that there is need for censoring of information from media houses to limit on the powers of the media and the extent to which the information provided by the news media is supported by facts. Similarly, Mattelart, Delcourt & Michele (2002, p.23) argued that the mass media should not depend on the market forces on their news coverage where their main aim is to maximize profits rather by broadcasting quality news. However, critics have responded that in most developing countries the most popular television and radio programs are commonly locally produced. However, in the cases where most of the media companies in a country are controlled by dominant nations, it is argued that the culture of that country will be eroded together with the interests of its citizens (Fred 1981: p. 285). . Nonetheless, when one larger media companies controls the content as well as the coverage of a certain issue, critics advocates that there is a possibility of broadcasting biased information whose accuracy is in doubt. Although this theory postulates that media imperialism is usually in small countries, media policies in China and Argentina are not well established to protect smaller media companies. Media in both countries is controlled by state corporations who has the authority to control the content of news to be conveyed to the public and what information to censor. Therefore, larger corporations may bias the news coverage due to monopoly of media (Martin 2003: p. 23). However, as the level of technology begins to advance with the increased accessibility to social media, many people can now give their opinions as well as criticize some of the issues that they think is affecting them and that needs more attention. Globalization Theories of globalization are interconnected with the media policy and if they could be well applied, the reforms in the media policy may be efficient and effective. However, theories such as neoliberal globalization have completely failed to address the intricacy of the reform progression, especially in the areas of market regulation. Media globalization presents itself with some of the policies that are supposed to be within the media coverage (James 1989: p.73). Therefore, globalization has been seen to contribute enormously to the reforms policy current in China and Argentina with each country striving to develop policies that will discourage media imperialism. Global communication has brought about several changes in the 21st century that goes beyond technological, cultural, economic as well as political boundaries. Telegraphy, computer technologies, film production, telephone and satellites are some of the newly digital streams that have developed in the global telecommunications network. Cultural and Media Criticisms Many theorists have attempted to theorize the extent to which media and the culture work within the modern society and how it affects peoples’ lives. Antonio Gramsci (2006, p.123) who was an Italian Marxist Theorist, argues that taking control of intellectual forces as well as cultural intricacy compose a form of dominion where leading groups in the society rule. Comparison of Media Policies in China and Argentina Although the Chinese Communist Party has been able to finalize its leadership transition after several years of struggle, the future of Chinese media remains unclearly defined as its political and economic quandary. The internet –led revolution has remained unpredictable as one of the emerging media policy. In the recent past, authors have criticized online civil society who forms the basis of optimism in the long-run. Although the vivacious online world cannot be ignored and is expected to continue, the media policy has placed regulations to safeguard broadcast media from spreading propaganda. On the other hand, owing to the continued increase in the number of internet users in Argentina, the Government in collaboration with other stakeholders who provide internet services came together to regulate internet access and usage, without damaging the citizens freedom of expression or limiting their rights to access correct and ample information. To achieve this government bodies were instituted to control overall access to internet, regulate informational content in internet servers as well as restricting access to different information sets found in the internet. However, the move was viewed as an infringement to individuals’ freedom of access and denial of citizenry right to access information. To regulate this, the centre for Studies on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information (CELE 2011) was established, in 2009, to check state’s control over internet users. The Chinese media policy stipulates the incorporation and licensing of digital services, allocation of spectrum as well as counterchecking the content of professional news. Reports from the recent Communist Party Conference indicated that there is need to uphold a firm grip on the media policy in China to ensure that all the information released to the public is free of any propaganda. Chinese leaders through a current CCP standing committee argued that the media policy in the country could only be streamlined in the presence of well-articulated political reforms in the country. In absence of clearly defined political reforms then the media policy may not be effective. According to Monroe (2002: p. 5) media policy exist to limit the freedom of speech and thereby these policies can be viewed as different entities from the politics and Chinese culture. The centre for Studies on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information (CELE 2011) conducted an internet workshop on “freedom of Expression and Internet: Controlling aspects in Argentina” in 2011 at the University of Palermo law school. The workshop aimed at reviewing the internet service provider (ISP) liabilities Institutional roles in maintaining and protecting personal network, filtering internet contents and jurisdiction of defamation cases which are becoming prevalent in modern day internet platforms such as the social media. Upon many deliberations, the workshop concluded that ISP and other internet –user intermediaries are not liable for any content from third parties if the intermediary has no control over the content or is unaware of the illegality of such content. In addition, the workshop maintained that ‘notify’ and ‘take-down’ notifications must be official and sensible to ensure that ISP process is not discriminating or arbitrary. These policies were deliberated to incentivize true freedom of expression. This workshop was a platform where Argentina and other Latin American countries would forge laws, which would be followed in controlling internet usage (James 1989: p.72). The workshop was also important since it brought together all the stakeholders of the communications industry and communication experts who aimed at protecting citizens’ freedom of expression. Chinese supporters of freedom of expression as well as media reforms have been discontented with the operation of the propaganda department which is regarded as the authentic enforcer of party conduct as far as media is concerned. Recent move by the department of propaganda to authorize unrestricted internet usage has raised alarm among the proponents of freedom of expression. The department have undertaken to license online service providers and suggested that micro bloggers should register their blogging accounts with their valid ID numbers as well as their real names (CELE 2011). However, this move have been miscalculated as the Chinese citizens will be restricted to keep an eye on the government and this will limit their freedom of access to information such that they may not be able to criticize the decisions made by the government. This is move is expected to further detach the media policy with the ongoing political reforms in China. The Chinese bureaucrats as well as the news media are under pressure by the home-based micro blogging services commonly referred to as ‘weibo’ in Chinese for its accountability and intelligibility. Regardless of stringent control on the coverage of media news in reference to the party congress, coupled with convoluted efforts by the social media companies to bar jittery words as well as phrases from their services, these efforts have not been fruitful. There are criticisms on the social media for instance, the twitter who constantly abuse the freedom of expression as contrary to the provisions of Chinese media policies. Statistics from the government survey indicates that out of 30 percent of Chinese population that use internet services, 10percent of the entire nation’s population are actively involved in online discussions or post their own views and observations on current issues affecting the nation. However, the statistics shows that there is still number of people in China who do not use the internet at all. The internet services are yet to reach approximately 800 million people in China who exclusively depend on television for entertainment and information needs particularly the China Central Television, which is the current state’s broadcaster (Colin, 1997: p. 96). Organization of Chinese news especially the ones that that are commercial oriented and that serves both the domestic and regional markets calls for creative use of digital enhanced technology. However, there are restrictions put by government controls as well as strong party decisions that limit the journalists from carrying out independent exploration in the world of media news and thereby limiting them from publishing their findings on the newspapers as well as on the television (Monroe 2002: p.29). Although individual journalists have been able to make use of blogs and micro blogs as an option to provide news and information, the new organization is deprived of its ability to investigate various talents that would enhance the extent to which the news are covered. In Argentina, Personal data’ and all its components must be legally defined. This will assist in promoting freedom of expression, on the theme of retention and protection of personal data. In defining personal data, discussion on whether an IP address is a component of personal datum should be addressed. Data retention regulation aims at explaining why some data is retained, the period which the data will be retained, the custodian of the retained information, and the purpose of the retained information. These regulations should particularly identify cases which the owners’ consent to access personal data is required. In this view, Argentina has fully described personal data and all its constituents, detailing all cases where user authorizations are required before accessing information. However, the 2011 CELE workshop identified these stringent data retention and protection strategies as impediments to informational; access and violating the freedom of expression. On the other hand, the Chinese government does not recognize websites as a part of recommended news organization and they are not allowed to conduct original news reporting. This has raised alarm among online media companies who think that the government is unfair on introducing such policy and they are looking for ways to compel the government to loosen such strict rules by putting into consideration underlying circumstances under which local news should be covered. In reference to the television, which is the most popular form of media in China, the government usually controls the process of switching over from analogue signals to digital ones. The government also puts control on the companies that are supposed to be involved in provision of internet data bundles, voice bundles and services on digital television (Eyton 2005: p.43). The government also controls the content of information that is distributed by media houses as well as in the social media platform. The same also applies to mobile services providers all over China. In pursuance to article 13 of American convention on human rights, that seeks to preserve the Citizens freedom of expression, Argentinean internet content filtering agencies is transparent regarding filtering mechanisms adopted. This gives ISP users chances to know the specific contents removed hence chance to appeal for re-introduction of the removed contents (Philip 1991: p.299). This is aimed at checking content filtering process, which limits freedom of expression thereby promoting access to information. According CELE (2011), jurisdictional regulations on cases of defamation arising from internet protocols should clarify the applicable laws to be followed in case of legal cases. On these recommendations, Argentina has clearly defined the verdicts to be followed an made free expressions that prohibit enforcement of international laws in case of litigations arising from infringement of individuals’ freedom of expression. In the matters of spectrum allocation, political influence plays a major role in policies related to spectrum allocation hence there is no public service media that is considered autonomous of party and state that oversee the interest of the public. Therefore, there is absence of official procedure that would target various agencies and departments in such a way that they will be able to address broader issues that touch on public interest (Fred 1981: p.281). Conclusion Although there are issues of conflict between the media policy in both the Argentina and the Chinese government and those of outside parties, recently developed media policies have their main target on media literacy. This is in consideration with a greater percentage of Chinese and Argentinean population who lack an understanding on how the media should be used especially the aged. Therefore, the government (in both countries) as the controller of media should undertake to educate the public especially the aged on how they can enjoy the benefits brought about by digitization. To ensure efficiency and effective coverage of media news, the government as well as party responsible for media control should allow journalists to conduct independent and exploratory journalism that would look into the accountability of relevant authorities to the interest of the public. The powers of the local government in regards to media should also be regulated by the central government to bring to an end victimization and harassment directed to the journalists in the event of publishing news that are meant to criticize local authorities. The government should also see to it that there is passage of press law that will be in line the already prevailing state policy of governance that are stipulated the rule of law. A definite press law may facilitate in limiting administrative control and ease government meddling in the media. The government should also support organizations that push for press freedom. Such organizations play a major role in safeguarding the freedom of the press and protecting the independence of the media from regulatory bodies such as the government and that would help to eliminate ethic crisis in the media profession. There should also be an independent public service system in both countries whose aim is not profit making. The system should provide relevant information to the members of the public as informational needs become more sophisticated. This system would provide relevant information on issues affecting the public such as matters relating to science and technology, health and information from other sources that would serve to the best of their interest. There should also be enhanced process of switching over from analogue to digital platform in both countries. References Antonio Gramsci, 2006. Routledge Critical Thinkers. London, NY: Routledge, pp. 6-167 Ben H Bagdikian, 2002. The Media Monopoly. Boston, Mass. Beacon Press, pp. 23- 52. Carey, James, 1989, 'Reconveiving 'mass' and 'media' in Communication' as Culture: essays on media and society, London, Boston: Unwin Hyman, pp.69-86. Centre for Studies on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information (CELE), 2011. Studies on Freedom of Expression. Retrieved fromwww.palermo.edu/cele/cele/english/index.html on 30th October 2013. Cloonan, Martin, 2003, 'Call that censorship? Problems of definition,' in Cloonan, Martin and RebeeGarofalo (ed.s) Policing Pop, Philadelphia: Temple University Press, pp.13-28. Cuilenburg, Jan van and Denis Mc Quail, 2003, 'Media policy paradigm shifts: towards a new communication policy paradigm,European Journal of Communication, 18 (2): pp.181-207. Edward S Herman & Noam Chomsky, 2002. Manufacturing consent : the political economy of the mass media. New York: Pantheon Books, pp. 21- 68. Fejes, Fred, 1981, 'Media imperialism: an assessment,' Media, Culture and Society, 3, pp.281-289.4 Gilboa, Eyton, 2005, 'The CNN effect: the search for a communication theory of international relations,' Political Communication, 22, pp.27-44. Mattelart, A., Delcourt., X & Michele, M. 2002. International image markets : in search of an alternative perspective. London: Comedia Publ. Group, pp. 17- 78. McChesney, Robert, 2000a. 'Journalism, Democracy, and Class Struggle'. Monthly Review, Vol. 52, No.6, pp. 1-15. Price, Monroe. E, 2002, 'New role of the state,' in Media and Sovereignity: the global information revolution and its challenge to state power, Massachusetts, MIT Press, pp. 5-29. Schlesinger, Philip, 1991, 'Media, the political order and national identity,' Media Culture and Society, 13, pp.297-308. Sparks, Colin, 1997, 'Post-Communist media in transition,' in Corner, J., Philip Schlesinger and Roger Silverstone (eds) International Media Research: a critical survey, London, NY: Routledge, pp.96-121. Read More

Media Imperialism The theory postulates that lesser countries risk losing their identity because larger countries constantly dominate the media. As larger media companies start to expand, smaller companies are either faced out of the market or absorbed by the larger ones. Herman and Chomsky (2002, p.46), while analysing the news media in the United States argued that the mass media are efficient and influential ideological institutions that facilitate and support propaganda due to overreliance of on market forces, tenuous assumptions as well as self- censorship without fear of intimidation.

According to McChesney (2000a, p.7), the international media systems are profit oriented and this may come along with anti-democratic effects. The rapid establishment of a system of international commercial media in the early 1990 and the emergence of transnational communication corporations further empowered the mass media. He further argued that the profit driven broadcasting systems of America could not be a natural system. On the other hand, Bagdikian (2002, p.25), argued that the media monopoly without direct control from the certain bodies would lead to misuse of mass media in spreading propaganda.

He further documented that there is need for censoring of information from media houses to limit on the powers of the media and the extent to which the information provided by the news media is supported by facts. Similarly, Mattelart, Delcourt & Michele (2002, p.23) argued that the mass media should not depend on the market forces on their news coverage where their main aim is to maximize profits rather by broadcasting quality news. However, critics have responded that in most developing countries the most popular television and radio programs are commonly locally produced.

However, in the cases where most of the media companies in a country are controlled by dominant nations, it is argued that the culture of that country will be eroded together with the interests of its citizens (Fred 1981: p. 285). . Nonetheless, when one larger media companies controls the content as well as the coverage of a certain issue, critics advocates that there is a possibility of broadcasting biased information whose accuracy is in doubt. Although this theory postulates that media imperialism is usually in small countries, media policies in China and Argentina are not well established to protect smaller media companies.

Media in both countries is controlled by state corporations who has the authority to control the content of news to be conveyed to the public and what information to censor. Therefore, larger corporations may bias the news coverage due to monopoly of media (Martin 2003: p. 23). However, as the level of technology begins to advance with the increased accessibility to social media, many people can now give their opinions as well as criticize some of the issues that they think is affecting them and that needs more attention.

Globalization Theories of globalization are interconnected with the media policy and if they could be well applied, the reforms in the media policy may be efficient and effective. However, theories such as neoliberal globalization have completely failed to address the intricacy of the reform progression, especially in the areas of market regulation. Media globalization presents itself with some of the policies that are supposed to be within the media coverage (James 1989: p.73). Therefore, globalization has been seen to contribute enormously to the reforms policy current in China and Argentina with each country striving to develop policies that will discourage media imperialism.

Global communication has brought about several changes in the 21st century that goes beyond technological, cultural, economic as well as political boundaries. Telegraphy, computer technologies, film production, telephone and satellites are some of the newly digital streams that have developed in the global telecommunications network. Cultural and Media Criticisms Many theorists have attempted to theorize the extent to which media and the culture work within the modern society and how it affects peoples’ lives.

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