The Confucian Ethos in the Asian Mass Media - Report Example

The Confucian Ethos in the Asian Mass Media In Asian societies, particularly in East Asia, the Confucian philosophy has long permeated even after modernization or the forces such as globalization, free market and liberal individualism set in. According to Clarke and Foweraker (2001), while modernization theory maintained that economic development created the preconditions for transition to democracy, this transition acquired distinctive features in industrializing Asia because Asian democracies emphasize society before self and processes of consensus and co-operation reached through face giving and face saving rituals that resist the institutionalization of this legacy. (p. 13) Such Confucian philosophy is also evident in Asian media. This paper will investigate how the media in much of Southeast and East Asia stand in harmony with the core Confucian tradition as opposed to the West’s preoccupation with individual freedom and rights. I will be specifically citing the Japanese, South Korean and Singaporean experience. Taiwan Criticism and freedom of speech is always a negative thing within the Confucian value system and that for a society as that of Taiwan’s, which has a very strong Confucian roots, the government controlled the media and the way people are informed. In an interview with Edward Yang, he stated: If you are a media mogul, if you own all the media, the cable stations and so forth, you side with authority, because that is where the money is. You tell your reporters not to say certain things. (Marchetti, p. 121-122) The deep ties of Taiwanese society to Confucian civility, sensibility and philosophy has generally meant that certain restrictions and limits imposed on the mass media that are conventionally treated as unconstitutional and undemocratic in the United States enjoy support from the people. There is, for instance, generally a social consensus in favor of laws formally banning the kind of pornography that would be protected by the First Amendment in the US and that there is the considerable support for government restriction for “irresponsible” (sensationalistic, scandalous) journalism. (Bell, p. 11) The way the media is forced to adhere to Confucian values is further institutionalized in the way the Taiwanese society reinforce Confucian philosophy in all aspects of the Taiwanese lifestyle. For example, this is reflected in the ordering of educational system in Taiwan wherein the schools are assumed to develop not just technical skills but also proper values and that the state has the mandate to make sure that this is realized. Japan In Japan, wrote Martin and Copeland (2003), mass media tends to reinforce existing values, existing concepts of the rules of the game and majority concepts of what it means to be Japanese. (p. 49) Confucian ethics and values has been specifically institutionalized in Japan throughout its history. In regard to the present Confucian predilection, it was deliberately enforced as the country struggled to industrialize in the modern times. During the postwar period, the issue of “moral education” or shushin surfaced almost as soon as the occupation ended and continued from then on and that family was revived as the important model for social organization. (Tu, Hejtmanek and Wachman 1992, p. 33) The Japanese state sponsored these developments as well as the institutionalization of ideologies such as loyalty, filial piety, harmony and familism, because they solve many social problems that are brought about by modernity such as labor unrest and also, at the same time, appealed to the Japanese penchant for centrality and Japanese archaism. Another important demonstration of the pervasiveness of Confucianism in the mass media is the way it claimed one of the three strands of legal thought particularly in regard to libel – a framework Japan shares with South Korea. Here, it must be underscored that the Japanese interpret the concept of reputation differently from much of the Western countries. Drawing from the Confucian tradition, the Japanese perceive a defamatory accusation as a “loss of face” to their group rather than a harm to their individual rights and hence, defined defamation as “reducing the respect of another in the community or lowering him in the estimation of his fellows.” (Cooper-Chen and Kodama, p. 186) This is the reason why irresponsible publications pay a high price for injuring the reputation of an individual. The possible influence and attraction offered by Western free media is dampened by the wide perception that adopting such system would threaten national and Confucian values as it perverts tradition, turns respect for education into an examination of hell, for example, and the equality of the sexes into the economic exploitation of women. According to Tu, Hejtmanek and Wachman, the Japanese are pleased with what they view as Japan’s success with the kind of society they have and that they probably would not share the perceived sense of anguish felt by societies preoccupied by those that sanction the unbridled media and the excessive pursuit for wealth at the expense of traditional values. (p. 34) Korea The experience of South Korean mass media emphasizes the Confucian dimension of respect for authority. This variable has brought about the South Koreans acceptance and/or ambivalence towards the governmental restriction on the press. A case in point was the media event in the year 2000 wherein South Korean media representatives were invited to cover the meeting between President Kim Dae-Jung of South Korea and Chairman Kim Jong-il of North Korea. During the summit, freedom-of-speech concepts were challenged when media organizations signed a five-point agreement, promising to avoid harsh criticism of the other side and seek greater cooperation. According to Chamberlain (2001), the second point of the agreement specifically limits South Korean free speech by calling on the media organizations of the North and South to avoid confrontation between compatriots and stop slanders and calumnies, which would hurt national reconciliation and unity. (p. 139) While the above cited agreement was not legally binding, it shows how the media could impose upon itself several restrictions in keeping with the perceived need to respect authority and advance the “higher” cause of social and national betterment. The Confucian thought suits the culture in South Korea. There is no dominant religion as most of the Koreans are atheist; about 60 percent of the population have no religion. (Tu, p. 192) Confucianism is not an organized religion or temples which Koreans can affiliate themselves. Not a single word in the nation’s constitution refers to Confucianism but its ideals of good citizenship, harmony and cooperation permeates in the schools, families, society and the media. Indeed, regimes, individuals, groups and institutions constantly looked for their legitimacy to the Confucian values and customs such as the hyo (filial piety) and choong (loyalty to the authority). It has contributed much to the values of diligence, cooperation and respect for authority in the mass media, specifically. This Confucian ethos are currently being glamorized and valorized in the South Korean media today. Bengston and Lowenstein (2003) cited some examples in the way Confucian philosophy is repeatedly emphasized through the media and in schools. Some of these are the various events that aim at promoting the practice of filial piety, which are regularly held by the state and covered by the media. (p. 259) The South Korean mass media is typically East Asian in its practice, activities and culture. In a different dimension, is being used by the elite and/or the government as it uses Confucian values and norms that have, at different times, been selectively mobilized and effectively utilized by the ruling class, the power elite and the state as a powerful mechanism of social control. Conclusion All in all, Asian countries have this inherent need for a sense of community. As harmony, belonging, cultural and national identity, and social cohesion remains as strong forces, the mass media would always, in one way or another, consider cooperation and the wider Confucian values as a responsible alternative even in the midst of the freer environment for the press and the coming of new media age, characterized by the Internet, satellites and mobile technologies. While some scholars argue that change in this area is inevitable, it is still important to remember that the current developments have as much reinforcing effect on Asian culture and tradition as much as it have on the Western values. In the end, it will be the respective Asian societies that will drive the trend. Here, one important variable that must be considered how the liberal thought is perceived to be associated with the colonialism of the past. The Asian nationalism would, hence, ensure that values such as the Confucian philosophy in the Asian mass media will continue to thrive today and in the future. Finally, it must also be underscored that Confucian values will not survive without the coordinated effort of the society, the mass media and the family. The fact that Confucian ethos still clearly permeates in much of Asia, demonstrate how it has pervaded, worked and survived despite the West’s modernist onslaught. Despite the harsh evaluation of most critics, mainly from the Western scholars and observers, Confucianism and Confucian philosophy in much of the Asian mass media, are highly regarded by Asians – the general attitude are positive and affirmative as demonstrated by the values’ permeation and support even when it comes to restrictions and the curtailment of liberties. References Bengston, V and Lowenstein, A 2003, Global aging and challenges to families. Transaction Books. Chamberlain, P 2001, Korea 2010: the challenges of the new millennium. Washington D.C.: The CSIS Press. Clarke, P and Foweraker, J 2001, Encyclopedia of democratic thought. Taylor and Francis. Cooper-Chen, A and Kodama, M 1997, Mass communication in Japan. Iowa State University Press. Marchetti, G 2006, From Tiananmen to Times Square: transnational China and the Chinese diaspora on global screens, 1989-1997. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Martin, S and Copeland, D 2003, The function of newspapers in society: a global perspective. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group. Tu, W 1996, Confucian traditions in east Asian modernity: moral education and economic culture in Japan and the four mini-dragons. Harvard University Press. Tu, W, Hejtmanek, M and Wachman, A 1992, The Confucian world observed: a contemporary discussion of Confucian humanism in East Asia. University of Hawaii Press. Read More