Effectiveness of System in Preventing Drug-Related Crimes in Tel Aviv - Research Proposal Example

A Study on the Effectiveness of the Geographic Information System in Predicting and Preventing Drug-Related Crimes in Tel Aviv Introduction Geographic factors can affect trends of drug use and drug-related crimes in a neighbourhood. Geographic information systems (GIS) are increasingly employed to examine the impact of these geographic factors. GIS provide a number of important skills that enable drug-related geographic explorations, such as informative visual displays and geocoding (Santos, 2012). Through GIS-generated information, investigators can carry out multifaceted spatial studies of drug-related issues and behavioural patterns. Such kinds of studies could assist researchers in identifying environmental determinants of drug-related crimes and to formulate and implement needed prevention measures (Chainey & Ratcliffe, 2013). This study will examine how effective geographic information system (GIS) is in preventing drug-related crimes. The specific research questions are: (1) How effective is GIS in preventing drug-related crimes in Tel Aviv? (2) Is GIS useful in identifying geographic factors that affect drug-related crimes? The following are the aims and objectives of this study: first, to determine the geographic and social factors that affect drug-related crimes; second, to determine whether there is a geographic relationship between particular forms of drug channels or availability of drugs and crime; and, third, to formulate a drug-based health intervention based on GIS-based information. GIS can serve a vital function in determining specific social and health factors related to drug abuse. This data would be crucial to identifying environmental and social determinants of drug-related crimes. In order to make the most of the benefit of spatial analysis and GIS for drug research, researchers should gain knowledge of the technology. Previous Research Findings Over the recent decade, developments in computer technology have started to considerably affect the manner policymakers and criminologists assess crime. One of the most important technological developments has been the invention of geographic information systems (GIS) and crime mapping. The implementation of computer mapping technologies by numerous criminal justice departments has contributed to the movement of criminal justice policymaking and implementation into the path that gives greater importance on the connection between crime and the environment setting wherein it takes place (Chainey & Ratcliffe, 2013). This development has also been strengthened by other major developments like the increasing number of studies showing a connection between the environment and crimes and the transition in policing standards to more problem- or community-oriented model (GIS World, 1996). These factors have raised numerous opportunities to employ the newest mapping technology in most effective ways to help those engaged in public safety concerns in local neighbourhoods. In order to facilitate community-based studies, numerous organisations have created some extent of GIS capability. A traditional GIS structure comprises area- and/or individual-level information with geographic markers alongside mapping software able to generate geographic depictions of data. Several systems also use statistic instruments for higher spatial analysis (Longley, 2005). There is an increasing number of works talking about the formation and use of GIS systems for crime prevention. One of the main issues talked about in current studies is the sort of data that must be integrated into an inclusive GIS system. Numerous argue that information in a GIS system must be accessible at a number of geographic levels and that it must originate from various sources. Address-level information is at the lowest geographic level. On the other hand, individual-level crime information could consist of police reports, criminal offenders, and calls for police assistance (Weisburd et al., 2008). Information must also be taken in from other community organisations. Of main concern are datasets that contain locations of deserted buildings, parks, schools, and other data that assist in identifying the physical backdrop of a territory. It is without a doubt that identifying crime in its actual physical setting is very helpful for community-based crime policymaking. Indeed, most of the works discussing the formation and application of GIS systems in criminal justice place emphasis on utilisation of address-level information gather from police and other public departments (Longley, 2005). The problems concerning the creation of area- or neighbourhood-level databanks, tough, have not received considerable emphasis in criminal justice research. Even though numerous recognise the significance of area-level information for examining crime’s geographic dispersal, hardly any surpass this recognition to examine either the mechanical features of creating an area-level data GIS system or the practical applications of this form of information for criminal justice (Wortley & Mazerolle, 2013). Early demonstrations of crime mapping were carried out by Pauly and colleagues (1967) who were fascinated with computer models of picturing patterns of crime in St. Louis (as cited in Wieczorek & Hanson, 1997: p. 331). With the introduction of GIS, the uses in crime mapping have mushroomed. Crime mapping becomes one of the most effectively used geography domains in clarifying the advantages of spatial analysis. Nevertheless, the degree of mapping thoroughness and applications is limited by the data’s looseness. Similar to all other systems, improved data will lead to more helpful and accurate images. The concept of cultural backdrop can be traced back to the influential works of Carl Sauer. The backdrop alludes to broad images obtained from the surveillance of various geographic landscapes (Chainey & Ratcliffe, 2013). The notion of culture was afterwards used in the backdrop, implying that specific cultural territories would generate and show different backdrops and backdrop models. This can differ from the particular manner a Mormon backdrop is designed with particular street plans and fencing designs or how populations of the Upper Great Plains exploit unforgiving climate and weather to identify themselves as strong breeds (Longley, 2005). Every backdrop has cultural markers that can be read or analysed. Many cultural backdrops therefore intersect and become an assortment of territories that are interconnected and portion of a larger structure. The cultural backdrop is crucial in determining the severity of crimes, particularly drug-related issues (Wieczorek & Hanson, 1997). Geographic factors can influence drug use on differing levels—local, regional, and global—and at differing degrees of severity. However, there are very few available empirical findings verifying the correlation between geographic factors and drug-related issues (Wortley & Mazerolle, 2013). However, there are ample of empirical works on the relationship between geographic factors and alcohol-related problems. Several of the most recognised and cited geographic determinants of substance use show themselves on a cross-cultural, global scope. Geographic patterns of substance use and its impact are also found in the United Sates. Such regional variations arise from patterns of historical movement and the dealings of migrants with their new local settings (Longley, 2005). Hence, substance use differs most obviously between ‘wetter’ areas, largely in the Midwest and Northeast, and ‘drier’ areas in the South. In comparison to drier areas, wetter territories are distinguished by lower levels of substance non-use and higher availability of drugs (Chainey & Ratcliffe, 2013). Nevertheless, complicated correlations are found between drug-related issues and drugs accessibility. For instance, the level of consumption and extent of negative substance use outcomes are greater in the dry regions than in the wet areas. This finding shows that further studies are required to more accurately determine and explain the variables related to these regional trends (GIS World, 1996). The value of geographic examinations in dealing with epidemiologic issues has been observed since the nineteenth century, when by mapping every case of cholera plague in a London community, John Snow discovered a certain water pump as the root of the epidemic (Santos, 2012). However, GIS can be regarded a developing technology, for merely in recent years have enhancements in computer applications and reductions in their costs made refined spatial examination viable for the investigation of social and health issues. Indeed, a number of researchers have regarded the growing application of GIS to be one of the most remarkable innovations in epidemiology since 1995 (Chainey & Ratcliffe, 2013). In substance use research, technologies like GIS expand the social, psychological, and biological understanding of contextual, spatial, and regional aspects in substance use and its related issues. Furthermore, the information obtained via GIS could affect the formulation and execution of prevention and treatment measures (Longley, 2005). The inclusion of GIS into social and health research has been facilitated by important development in data accessibility, operating system, and computer technology. The most crucial development was the formation of a countrywide, digital base map for the U.S. A ‘digital base map’ is defined as a “computer file containing the x and y coordinates (i.e., map coordinate data) of all objects of interest” (GIS World, 1996: p. 617). Also called the ‘topologically integrated geographic encoding and referencing’ (TIGER), this national base map was created by the Census Bureau (Longley, 2005: p. 20). In truth, TIGER documents offer street-level information that generally contains a huge number of street sectors for a geographic zone. This scope and precision give epidemiologists digital system for GIS-related social and health research, as well as studies on drug-related crimes (Longley, 2005). Because of its distinctive social structure and population diversity, Israel can be regarded a perfect setting for exploring issues associated with criminal activities and their geographical features (Friedmann, 2012). Nevertheless, only a few researchers have used the ecological model and explored the ecology and geography of criminal activities. In Israel, places with high property crime rates are diffused all over the nation and are, most usually, enclosed by places with comparatively low prevalence of criminal activities. Wealthy areas in Israel may become targets from the ‘crime generator’ dwelling in poor communities (Saunders, 2013). Although these findings are not directly related to the topic of this study, they reveal something about the relationship between spatial factors and criminal activities in Israel. Relevant Theoretical Perspectives and Framework The major theoretical perspective that supports crime mapping is a concrete, applied subcategory of dominant criminology referred to as ‘environmental criminology’. This theoretical area focuses on crime and victimisation and how spatial variables affect criminals and victims (Wortley & Mazerolle, 2013). Scholars have already recognised that there is difference in the spatial distribution of crime. Even though there have been documented spatial investigations of crime for almost two centuries, several major research periods have disrupted the history. Numerous early thinkers and theories perceived crime as impulsive or instinctive, implying that criminals were programmed by their socioeconomic position and childhood rearing. Ronald Clarke transformed that view by restoring the concept of crime prevention and how it may affect environment criminology (Hopkins, 2009). Clarke believed that criminals have tendencies, preferences, and choices of the time and way they perpetrate crimes. As stated by Hopkins (2009), “There has been a shift in emphasis away from the sociological imagination to the geographical imagination” (p. 281). This drastic change encouraged criminologists to place emphasis on crime prevention, rather than criminal intentions and criminal characteristics. Brantingham and Brantingham, proponents of environmental criminology, had a significant contribution to this transition. They were the first to examine locations with a lopsided crime rate, and called environmental criminology as an academic field focused on the fourth dimension (Wortley & Mazerolle, 2013). The concept of ‘fourth dimension’ refers to the temporal and spatial aspects of a criminal activity. These locations with an uneven crime rate encouraged scholars to examine crime ‘attractors’ and crime ‘generators’ (Wortley & Mazerolle, 2013: p. 90). Crime ‘generators’ are locations where many individuals are drawn to criminal drive for unrelated causes. Examples of these places are malls and/or pubs. Crime ‘attractors’ are contrary to crime ‘generators’, in the sense that they are specific locations that provide familiar criminal prospects and effectively provoke criminal acts (e.g. inner city ghettos). At present, environmental criminology and crime prevention had its groundwork in criminological theory (Wortley & Mazerolle, 2013). The principles of environmental criminology have comprehensively influenced and informed crime mapping. Crime mapping, including GIS, has become increasingly essential and crucial to the operations of police divisions throughout the recent decades (Santos, 2012). Nowadays, environmental criminology places emphasis on computer-based technologies and methods to not just describe, but more significantly to identify where criminal activities take place. Research Methodologies The two research designs that the research will choose from are (1) case study and (2) survey. Using the case study design, the researcher will use baseline information gathered for assessing an existing GIS intended to prevent drug-related crimes. The researcher will try to gather information from the Israel Police crime database. Only those data covering the period 2000 to 2009 will be included. Using these data this study will try to answer the following questions: (1) How effective is GIS in preventing drug-related crimes in Tel Aviv? (2) Is GIS useful in identifying geographic factors that affect drug-related crimes? The case study will focus on Tel Aviv. It will try specifically to determine whether GIS has been successful in preventing drug-related crimes in the largest metropolitan area in Israel. Moreover, the case study will be conducted to identify which major geographic factors influencing drug-related crimes had been detected by the GIS. The case study design has a number of advantages. First is that the findings will be easy to interpret and describe to non-technical readers. Second is that case studies are flexible (Kothari, 2004). While an experimental design is attempting to confirm or refute a hypothesis, case studies could find new and unforeseen phenomenon or patterns and result in research breaking new grounds. On the other hand, a case study is not scientifically rigorous. The findings from a case study are non-generalizable. Another limitation is the presence of bias. Since the researcher will be observing and analysing previous findings, s/he can put his/her own interpretation on the issue (Daniel & Sam, 2011). The second research design is survey. The participants will be law enforcers from the Tel Aviv Police Station. The sample will be selected through convenience sampling. Only those participants who could contribute to the research will be selected. They will be asked to take part in a semi-structured interview which will seek to identify the opinion of the participants regarding the effectiveness of GIS in predicting and preventing drug-related crimes. This research design is selected for use in this study because it is cost-effective, a large number of questions can be asked, and offers high flexibility in data analysis (Daniel & Sam, 2011). However, on the contrary, this survey design may not elicit honest, precise responses; may result in unclear information because specific response choices could be understood differently by different interviewees; and there is always the presence of bias from both the interviewees and the researcher (Kothari, 2004). The researcher chooses to do a survey research for it measures higher in validity and reliability compared to case study. To be reliable, the questions that will be asked will be constant for all the respondents. Consistency of data is crucial in making generalizations. Validity is the level to which the survey data is applicable to the conclusion being made and is adequately precise and thorough to substantiate the conclusion (Dantzker & Hunter, 2011). Reliability demands the use of uniform data collection measures and survey processes that are intended to improve consistency. In order to enhance the reliability and validity of the survey instrument, the researcher will guarantee the relevance and potential contribution of each participant to the answering of the major research questions. Through convenience sampling the researcher will be assured of the validity and reliability of the data collected. The researcher will interview as many participants as possible. However, the sampling area will be restricted to the Tel Aviv Police Station. Even though error can certainly not be fully removed, it can be lessened to acceptable degrees by means of thorough, meticulous design of questions and the use of appropriate correction techniques and data confirmation procedures, particularly methods for verifying responses obtained in the survey interviews (Kothari, 2004). If possible, the researcher will conduct a pilot interview in order to verify the feasibility, reliability, and validity of the survey instrument. Research Ethics This study could impose considerable legal responsibilities on the researcher who obtain information about drug-related crimes and document information about these criminal activities. Failure to know and respond to these responsibilities could put the researcher in danger of legal action. The legal concerns which the researcher has to know and understand so as to develop and carry out the study in an ethical manner are complicated (Maxfield & Babbie, 2014). Some of the steps or considerations that the researcher should perform in order to avoid legal problems are the following (Maxfield & Babbie, 2014): (1) consent procedures which sufficiently communicate legal duties to respondents; (2) whether there are situations wherein it would be unethical to carry out research due the legal outcomes that could arise; (3) techniques that can be incorporated into the research design to reduce legal perils; and (4) the array of legal duties which the research may have to consider in developing the study. Other ethical issues that may arise are confidentiality and beneficence. In terms of confidentiality, the researcher should protect or safeguard vital information about drug-related crimes in the area. Due to the sensitivity of the issue, the researcher may be obliged to take greater consideration of confidentiality (Jupp, 2012). With regard to beneficence, the researcher has to lessen potential harms and make the most of potential benefits for the participants, and make a decision when the study may be acceptable despite the possibility of harm (Jupp, 2012). Anticipated Problems First of all, the researcher may encounter problems with time and resources. This kind of research requires substantial amount of time and resources, although not like the other research designs and methodologies. The researcher should have a carefully and thoroughly formulated time table for the research and a sustainable source of the needed resources. Second, the researcher may find it difficult to acquire all the necessary information needed for the research. Because of the inherent sensitivity of the topic, the research participants may be reluctant to disclose vital pieces of information. However, with a rigorously designed survey instrument and sampling technique, the researcher might be able to acquire sufficiently precise and truthful responses. References Chainey, S & Ratcliffe, J (2013) GIS and Crime Mapping. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Daniel, P S & Sam, A (2011) Research Methodology. New York: Gyan Publishing House. Dantzker, M & Hunter, R (2011) Research Methods for Criminology and Criminal Justice. Sudbury, MA: Jones & Bartlett Publishers. Friedmann, R (2012) Crime and Criminal Justice in Israel: Assessing the Knowledge Base Toward the Twenty-First Century. New York: SUNY Press. GIS World (1996) GIS World Sourcebook. New York: Cornell University. Hopkins, B R (2009) An Introduction to Criminological Theory. Uffculme: Willan Publishing. Jupp, V (2012) Methods of Criminological Research. London: Routledge. Kothari, C (2004) Research Methodology: Methods and Techniques. New York: New Age International. Longley, P (2005) Geographic Information Systems and Science. San Francisco, CA: John Wiley & Sons. Maxfield, M & Babbie, E (2014) Research Methods for Criminal Justice and Criminology. Mason, OH: Cengage Learning. Santos, R B (2012) Crime Analysis with Crime Mapping. London: SAGE. Saunders, J (2013) Policing for 21st-Century Israel. New York: Rand Corporation. Weisburd, D et al (2008) Putting Crime in its Place: Units of Analysis in Geographic Criminology. New York: Springer. Wieczorek, W & Hanson, C (1997) “New Modeling Methods: Geographic Information Systems and Spatial Analysis”, Alcohol Health & Research World, 21(4), 331+ Wortley, R & Mazerolle, L (2013) Environmental Criminology and Crime Analysis. London: Routledge. Read More