EU Accession and Impact upon Domestic Politics - Research Paper Example

EU Accession and impact upon domestic politics December 12, 2002 was a key in the history of the European Union because several Central and eastern European nations completed their accession into the Union, except for Bulgaria, Romania, Cyprus and Malta, so that 25 member states with a total population of 450 million joined the Union.1 This has marked a significant point in the process of elimination of the divisions previously existing between Cold war Europe and the rest of Europe. The goals of the European Neighbourhood Policy is to promote stability within the European borders and this may be one of the reasons why European nations seeking to join the Union are expected to conform to certain criteria. But at the same time, there is a significant difference in bargaining power between the Western and Eastern European processes, which has influenced the EU integration process and domestic political development.2 (Linden 2002). This essay will examine whether and to what extent accession into the European Union may necessitate domestic changes on the part of a European State that desires to join the Union. Membership within the European Union offers European countries the opportunity to benefit from a large, common European market and also promotes a mutual commitment to common values such as democracy, the rule of law, sustainable development and human rights. But in return, every nation seeking membership is expected to conform to the requirements under the ENP, although this is not openly specified as a condition for membership. Nevertheless, the central element of the European Neighbourhood Policy is the bilateral ENP Action Plans that are agreed to between the European Union and each European partner and include an “agenda of political and economic reforms with short and medium term priorities.”3 This is generally executed in the form of Partnership or co-operation agreements and the implementation of these agreements is monitored through sub Committees. The differences in the EU integration process among various nations and the domestic political developments within that country are also caused by the manner in which the membership process is set up. Although membership in the European Union is open to all European States, the Commission uses a merit based system in arriving at decisions about when a country is to be allowed accession into the Union. Hence, a State choosing to accede to the Union may need to meet certain criteria and requirements set out by the EU. The Member States are required to change their current policies and implement new ones geared towards achieving the requirements that have been specified under the Copenhagen criteria. These criteria require that every European nation that seeks to join the European Union must have a functioning market economy be capable of competing in EU markets.4 Evidence of a functioning market economy can be provided by an economy that displays macroeconomic stability, free market entry and exit and free interplay of market forces, an adequate legal system and a well developed financial sector. Additionally, every country that seeks to join the European Union is required to subject itself to the common body of European law, i.e, the aquis communataire, which is a collection of legislative texts that are constantly updated and modified as required.5 Accession to the EU has become synonymous with the phenomenon of Europeanization, where domestic policies have increasingly become subject to European policy making.6 The basic premise underlying the notion of Europeanization is that there is a misfit between the existing domestic policies of the European States as compared to European institutions and policies; as a result, there is pressure placed upon the domestic systems for modification in accordance with EU requirements, especially in meeting the requirement for a functioning market economy which necessarily inclines it towards democratization and a revision of domestic policies accordingly. But this argument does not necessarily hold good in every case, such as for example in the case of Slovakia. Where Slovakia is concerned, there appears to be greater support for the argument that has been advanced by Mair7 that accession and integration into the European Union has little impact on the national Party systems. He argues that upheavals and changes taking place in the domestic political scenarios of EU member States may be largely driven by domestic concerns rather than the need to mandatorily modify political policy to be in accordance with EU policies. In Slovakia during the 1990s, party politics was dominated by the HZDS (the movement for a democratic Slovakia). When Czechoslovakia was split up, this party became the largest party in the coalition government that was set up in 1994-8, but it was like a black sheep in the midst of the rest of central Europe, because it espoused a pro-marketization policy and called for managed economic reforms.8 The HZDS Party faced an internal split when some of its coalition partner s, such as the Slovak National Party and the Workers Association of Slovakia, left the alliance because they disagreed with its policies. This split and t6he dissensions among the local political parties was however caused largely by the dislike of other parties for the high handed policies of the leader of the HZDS Party, i.e, Meciar, rather than a need to change domestic policy to conform to the requirements of the European Union.9 As opposed to Mair’s views, Hendersen has argued that EU accession and the desire to integrate with the European Union did play a role in Slovakia’s domestic policies. He argues that despite the fact that the HZDS Party espoused market policies, this was not adequate to ensure that Slovakia’s application for admission into the European Union was accepted; rather the application was rejected on political grounds at the Luxembourg summit in 199710. The failure of Slovakia to gain accession into the EU despite the move towards the market policies of the West, could have laid the grounds for domestic dissension among political parties in order to allow another party, i.e, the SDK to come into power. Although the HZDS Party advocated market reform, the prominence it gave to EU entry in its election manifesto in 1998 was minimal and its failure to realize the importance of aligning domestic policy with the EU and placing a greater emphasis on EU entry could well have been the reason for its domestic election losses. With accession to the EU, leaders of political parties are faced with the challenge of insuring that EU policies and goals are incorporated but without destroying their own popularity in the process. The leaders of many EU countries such as Poland and Hungary have resorted to tactics such as nationalism and have been fighting with each other at the expense of the public good, while the SKA Party in Slovakia has moved into power on the strength of the pushing for EU entry platform. Each political party claims to be the best one capable of introducing and managing these policies, without necessarily being concerned with their content. 11 This produced an outcome where the parties are debating over issues such as corruption and personal competence issues without necessarily addressing the core public policy issues that affect daily life. The domestic political agenda of these member States has however been affected by the need to adapt to EU cohesion policy. Nakrosis12 defines adaptation as a change of domestic policies and institutions that are aimed at implementing EU requirements. In explaining Lithuania’s adaptation to EU cohesion policy, he points out that adaptation is even more important in countries such as those from East Europe, which are not involved in the decision making process but need to comply with the political, legal and administrative criteria that are associated with EU membership. In an assessment of the European neighbourhood Policy two years after its implementation in 2004, Emerson et al13 point out that this process has differentiated new European States into two categories – those who are willing and those who can be categorized as passive states. They also have emphasized the need for a strong reinforcement of the ENP, since the political context has changed in recent years as compared to 2004 and the environment surrounding the EU now poses a threat to European values of democracy, freedom and the upholding of human rights. On this basis, they suggest that an ENP Plus plan may be necessitated, that includes among its provisions, an upgrade of standard instruments being deployed, strengthening of regional multi-lateral schemes and the use of an advanced model for willing states with a light ENP model being used for difficult states. The accession to the European Union has generally been associated with the development of democracy in the post-Communist world. The development of democracy and joining NATO has been a dominant foreign policy goal, especially of the East European countries, which has also consequently impacted upon the policy making process as well as the political reforms14. Since joining the EU is associated with adherence to the aquis communataire, it becomes necessary for any country that seeks to join the EU to also follow the EU Directives and policies, as well as to adhere to the requirements of membership, such as meeting certain economic criteria and espousing democracy. EU membership for European states may therefore be conditional upon carrying out the necessary policy changes that are required in order to meet the requirements set out by the European Union. Additionally, there are also other mechanisms that are used by the European Union, such as the Decade of Roma inclusion that was introduced in 2005, where the Union distributes funds and provides allowances for specific programs carried out by the Member States. In order to be eligible to receive such funds and gain access to EU programs that are beneficial to these member states, it first becomes necessary for a European state that seeks to join the European Union to adapt its domestic policies such that they meet EU requirements. According to the IMF, in general, where transition countries are concerned, joining an external anchor such as the European Union, tends to speed up institutional reforms.15 This is especially the case with East European countries that have largely functioned as Communist countries where it is the State rather than the market that dictates domestic policies, especially economic policies. Thus, in order to ensure that accession to the EU takes place, these nations have often had to revise their existing political systems in order to conform to the western ideal of democracy inherent in the basic requirement of the EU for a functioning market based economy that demonstrates the existence of a free market and a capacity to compete in the EU markets. As Ott16 points out, concerns have been raised about how older and richer members of the EU would formally or informally, make most of the key decisions, while the smaller countries will have a less influential role to play. As a result, it is the older and economically more powerful members of the EU such as France, Germany and Britain that will have a greater influence in setting out common EU policy and dictating terms. Secondly, there are also concerns about preferential treatment for some countries such as France and Germany which have regularly run budgetary deficits but measures against these countries have been deferred, as opposed to other countries such as Portugal, which had to take action to control the repercussions of budgetary deficits. Since these countries may be in a relatively more powerful position as compared to the newer and poorer states, they are allowed greater latitude in their domestic policies as compared to the newer East European nations. In the case of the East European countries, accession to the European Union brings with it the potential for political and economic integration the freedom to move around and work in other European countries and other public benefits such as improvements in minority rights, the movement against corruption as well as the freedom of the Press.17 EU expectations as set out in accession agreements as well as negotiations that have followed have resulted in the Party based systems in these East European countries being transformed to the more democratic systems of the West. As a result, they have also resulted in transference of the neoliberal democratic principles of liberalization and the principles of the free market being adopted in these formerly Communist countries as well. As a result, allowing for open and competitive markets, maintaining a balanced budget and reducing public spending has become synonymous with entry into the European Union.18 Accession to the European Union also produces changes that affect the relations that the European State has with its neighbours. Firstly, in view of the incorporation into the Union, the economic cooperation and general interaction between a state and its neighbours is expanded, and there may also be an additional inflow of people from other European states. This may require a revision of domestic policies to cope with new security threats arising out of EU enlargement .19 It may also require changes in internal domestic policies in other areas, such as on the treatment accorded to minorities, revision of agricultural policies to be in accordance with the Common Agricultural policies of the European Union, as well as revisions in other areas in accordance with EU Directives and regulations. In conclusion, it appears that the domestic policy, especially of the East European countries has been affected because of the need to transform from a Communist system to a market based policies. When a country joins the European Union, there are changes in budgetary revenue and expenditure. A country gains in terms of transfers from the EU budget and the revenue from excise arises, but this is also accompanied by the loss of customs duty revenue. There are also adjustment outgoings in expenditure in transport and environmental protection as well as policy towards minorities as well as on other issues, including agriculture.20 Yet another important aspect that arises is the need to cope with the added influx of other European nationals under the EU policy of allowing free movement of workers across the European Union and the additional security requirements that may be necessitated. Since EU accession requires a functioning market economy, the ability to compete in the EU market as well as adherence to the aquis communaitaire necessarily brings about changes in domestic political systems as aspiring member states struggle to achieve these objectives. While it has been argued that EU integration does not influence changes in domestic policies which are brought about by other factors21 this may be a rather restrictive viewpoint which may not be tenable to sustain. It may also be noted that by bringing about these changes in domestic political systems, accession to the EU essentially ensures that member states conform to the common policy of the European Union and adhere to the principles of democracy and freedoms that are its cherished values as set out in the ENP. The enforcement of the ENP and the aligning of domestic policies in line with the common goals and objectives of the EU is becoming even more necessary in the new threats that have been posed in recent years through terrorism etc. Hence any changes in domestic policies may in fact be contributing to the achievement of the goals of the EU and the policy objectives laid out under the ENP. Hence the EU does appear to be succeeding in drawing more of the east European nations away from communism into its democratic value systems that are also characterized by the existence of the common market. References Börzel, T, 1999. “Towards Convergence in Europe? Institutional Adaptation to Europeanisation in Germany and Spain”, Journal of Common Market Studies, 18: 573-96. Faucompret, Eric and Konings, Jozef, : “Turkish accession to the EU: Satissfying the Copenhagen criteria”, Routledge Henderson, K, 1999. “Slovakia and the democratic criteria for EU accession” in Henderson, K. “Back to Europe: Central and Eastern Europe and the European Union”, UCL Press. Grzymala-Busse and Innes, Abbey, “Great Expectations: the EU and domestic political competition in East Central Europe”, East European Politics and Societies, 17(1): 64-73 IMF, 2003. IMF World Economic Outlook, Growth and Institutions[online]. Washington: International Monetary Fund. Available from: [http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2003/ 01/index.htm] cited in: Ott,No Date. Linden, R.H., 2002. “Norms and nannies: the impact of international organizations on the Central and East European States”, Oxford: Rowman and Littleman Publishers, pp 227-244 Mair , P, 2000. “The Limited Impact of Europe on National Party Systems”, West European Politics, 23(1): 27-51 Nakrosis, Vitalis. (2001) "Adapting to European integration: The case of Lithuania" . In European Union Studies Association (EUSA) > Biennial Conference > 2001 (7th), May 31-June 2, 2001, pp 1-20 Ott, Katarina, No date. “Croatian accession to the European Union: Institutional challenges”, http://www.ijf.hr/eng/EU2/Ott.pdf; Smith, K.E., 2001. “Western Actors and the promotion of democracy”, IN Zellonka, J and Pravda, A (eds), “Democratic consolidation in Eastern Europe”, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2: 31-57 Vilpisaukas, Ramunas, 2002. “Baltic States negotiating the EU entry: Process, patterns and results”, Lithuanian Political Science Yearbook, 1:119-141 “What are the acquis communautaire and the JRC Acquis”, http://langtech.jrc.it/JRC-Acquis.html; KYIV, 2004. “2004 European Union Accession: Implications for Ukraine’s relations with its Central European neighbours”, http://www.ewi.info/pdf/EU%20Accession%20Implications%20for%20Ukraine1111.pdf; Read More