Police Brutality and Racial Profiling: Looking Back At Rodney King Beating - Research Paper Example

Police Brutality and Racial Profiling: Looking Back At Rodney King Beating Executive Summary In March 1991, officers of the Los Angeles Police Department brutalized African-American Rodney King for failure to pull over when asked. A hidden videotape recording the event helped in delivery of justice, only after severe protests and riots over the "unfair acquittal" by an all-white jury of the officers involved. While Rodney King may have received justice, there are many victims of police racial profiling and brutalization who do not receive justice, because of police manipulation of events and witnesses. Introduction Police officers are often portrayed as protectors of the society and heroes who can never do wrong. Stories of brutal treatment at the hands of police come up from time to time, but these stories are often "killed" or dismissed for lack of evidence. African-Americans' claims of racial profiling and racial discrimination are also written off. However, some cases of police brutality and racial profiling come to the attention of the media and are sensationalized into events of national concern. The 1991 Rodney King beating by Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) officers is one such example. A video-tape showing four white police officers beating up an African-American became a sensational story and even sparked the 1992 Los Angeles Riots when an all-white jury decided to acquit the officers involved. The Event A documented narrative of the Rodney King beating was found in White Racism: The Basics (Feagin, Vera, & Batur 2001). This is a summary: In March 1991, Rodney King and two of his friends were speeding on a freeway in inebriated condition when Officers Tim and Melanie Singer spotted them. When asked to stop, King refused and continued driving into a residential area. Tim Singer put up a chase and also radioed for help. The chase continued, and when King stopped, 27 officers were present, including 21 from the LAPD. According to one of his friends, King was ordered to place his hands outside the car window, which he did. When asked to get out, the seatbelt prevented him from doing so, and an officer yanked him out. After this, King was shot twice with tasers, hit repeatedly on the head and other parts with a baton, kicked, spat on, handcuffed, and left until an ambulance took him to the hospital. The examining doctors reported extensive body damage — an eye socket and cheek bone were shattered, a concussion, nine skull fractures, severe facial damage, one broken leg, and injuries to both knees. Police reports suggested that King was initially caught driving 110-115 miles per hour (in a vehicle whose maximum speed was found to be 97 miles/hour), that he caused an officer to fall, and that he tried to reach for a weapon. Sergeant Stacey Koon, who shot the taser and beat him, hinted that King used drugs. His story shows King was hostile and attempted to charge at the officers. King's injuries were dismissed as minor. What brought this incident to light was an amateur video of the brutal event that a nearby resident George Holliday recorded, unknown to the police officers. Needless to say, the officers' reports and the video did not tally, making it clear that the police reports were fabricated to cover-up the event. The video showed King being brutalized by four white officers, while the rest of them (including one African-American officer) watched. Several passers-by also witnessed the event and urged the officers to spare King. Holliday sent the videotape to a news channel. In the chasm caused by the end of the Gulf War, the media telecasted the new, hot story, repeatedly, and the event became a sensation. The beatings garnered protests from the African-American communities across the nation and human rights activists. On March 8 1991, a California grand jury indicted Sergeant Stacey Koon and Officers Laurence M. Powell, Timothy E. Wind, and Theodore J. Briseño on charges of assault by force and unnecessarily assaulting and beating a suspect". Koon and Powell were charged with fabricating reports and Koon was also charged with helping Powell escape arrest. When an all-white jury decided to drop charges against the four white officers, there was public outrage, which culminated in the 1992 Los Angeles riots. Across the nation, many elected leaders and news papers expressed anger at the verdict, prompting FBI enquiry into the case. In a second trial with a "racially mixed" Federal jury, and an enhanced videotape, Koon and Powell were convicted for violating King's civil rights by ordering or using excess force against the latter. Both were awarded sentences of imprisonment for two-and-half years, but no fines were imposed. What prompted this event? King later admitted that he did put up a chase, but that was because he was afraid a ticket would affect his parole from an earlier case. The recording of a helpless black man being tormented by four officers became fodder for several new investigations and studies on racial discrimination, racial profiling, and police brutality. Racial Profiling For many African-American citizens, racial profiling is a reality to be faced often, irrespective of their respectability and status in the society. From dwellers in the high crime areas to senators and African-American police officers, everyone claims to be a victim of racial profiling, despite police departments' denial. Connecticut State Senator Alvin Penn (D-Bridgeport), who sponsored a 1999 anti-racial profiling law in the State, said that he has been stopped because he is an African-American (NDSN 1999). An African-American dentist in East Orange, NJ, said that he has been pulled over more than fifty times in three years on the New Jersey turnpike, and he finally sold his BMW to avid white police officers' attention (Feagin, Vera, & Batur 2001). Even officers of the law are not spared — a Harlem undercover agent claims he is pulled over almost once a week when going home from work, while his fellow agents claim that racial profiling is the most chilling fear they face while doing undercover work (Winerip, 2000). Racial profiling continues despite legislations against the practice. While police claim to routine checks on members of ethnic minority communities to curb crimes and terrorism, nonwhites say that officers abuse "profiling" to catch and torment people belonging to some races (Gibbons, 2004). Police Brutality Police brutality involves excessive use of force by a police officer against a person, with an intention to harm (Cooper 2004). By this definition, Rodney King's beating is a clear case of police brutality. Cooper's (2004) research showed that many non-white citizens claim that brutality is common, while white citizens believe that the claim is false. Does this mean non-whites are subjected more often to police brutality? Worden (1995) found that police officers are more likely to use force (reasonable and excess) on African-American males over 18, and they are more likely to penalize black suspects rather than white suspects (cited in Cooper 2004). Research on alleged malpractices by the LAPD revealed that in the five years prior to 1991, an average of fifty complaints of malpractice have been filed against the department, and that the number escalated to 127 per month in January and February 1991 (Feagin, Vera, & Batur, 2001). Another observation of the same study was that African-Americans, who comprise 13% of the total population of Los Angeles, had filed 41% of the complaints between 1987 and mid-1990. Officer Powell, one of the officers indicted in the case had a history of violence, including the brutalization of a Latino cloth cutter Salvadore Castaneda in October 1989 (Feagin, Vera, & Batur 2001). A Los Angeles Times poll conducted soon after the incident revealed that 92% of the residents believed police use force excessively (Rohrlich 1991, as cited in Feagin, Vera, & Batur, 2001). Despite this and Cooper's observation of non-white citizens' views on police brutality, not many officers are penalized for their brutality. What are the reasons for this? Tampering of Evidence and Reports by police officers Cooper (2004) found that the police often tamper evidence in brutality cases, as seen in the reports filed by Koon and Powell. While writing the report, the officers were not aware of the video-tape and wrote that King was hostile. The tape proved this false. They also hinted that King was on drugs, which was proved false by the subsequent medical tests (Feagin, Vera, & Batur, 2001). One factor that often favors police officers in such cases is absence/reluctance of witnesses to testify against the police. Some witnesses have been dispatched off by the officers. Kim Groves, an African-American woman who witnessed brutalization by a New Orleans Police Department officer Len Davis reported the event, but the officer ordered a hit man to kill her (Cooper 2004). When it comes to using police officers as witnesses, the "Cop Code" or "Blue wall of silence" comes into effect (Reuss-Ianni 1982, cited in Cooper 2004). For an officer, giving evidence against a colleague is against the code and officers stick to the police version of the story. Reports of Rodney King beating indicate that one black officer was present, but none of the officers reported the brutalization to higher authorities. Victims' fears also work in the officers' favor. Most victims do not report brutalization because of fear of repercussions. When Rodney King was initially asked whether the brutalization was racially motivated, he denied the charge (Feagin, Vera, & Batur, 2001). Later it was learnt that his mother urged him to deny because she feared a backlash by the LAPD. Racial Discrimination In Courts of Law The first trial of the Rodney King case was moved to Simi Valley in order to provide the officers with a "fair trial" following the publicity generated by the videotape. Simi Valley has a predominantly white population and the jury selected was all white. The jurors, who acquitted the officers of all charges, dismissed that the "mistakes" made by Koon and Powell in the official report were insignificant (Feagin, Vera, & Batur, 2001)! This is not the only case of racial discrimination in the court. Many prosecutors (who are predominantly white) are reluctant to prosecute the police for brutality against nonwhites (Cooper 2004). To support this contention on racism by prosecutors, Cooper uses a Weich and Angulo (2004) study which shows that prosecutors use "racially skewed" charging and plea-bargain decisions to victimize African-Americans and Hispanics. According to Cooper, prosecutors are not likely to prosecute a white officer accused of brutalizing a black victim unless compelled by a national or a community-wide outpour of anger against the officers. This happened in the second trial of the Rodney King case; a strong public condemnation of the trial caused the prosecutors to rethink their strategy. Repercussions of The Racial Injustice Every civil uprising that has occurred in the last century has its roots in racial injustice (Feagin, Vera, & Batur 2001). The Los Angeles riots following the 1992 trial and acquittal of the police officers in the case are also a testament to this. The verdict acted as a spark to rebellion that killed nearly 50 people, left 2,400 injured, and caused arrest of thousands of African-Americans and Latinos. The rebellion was not limited to Los Angeles alone; urban revolts and organized protests took place in many cities across the nation (Feagin, Vera, & Batur, 2001). It proved the presence of racism in every system that promises to "protect the innocent" -- the police, the prosecutors, and the grand jury. Such happenings tend to make racism victims and their communities to lose faith in the police, and leads to the spread of civil unrest. Looking for Solutions: Analyzing at Grass Roots Van Maanen (2008), who analyzed police attitude towards the community, says that officers categorize people as "suspicious persons", "assholes", and "know nothings". All likely suspects (which translates to all nonwhites to many officers) are viewed as "suspicious persons". "Know nothings" have no idea about police and their importance, while people who question or "threaten" their authority, their ability to police, and their interpretation of a situation are "ass-holes." It is the "assholes", who provoke officers doing their duty into using force to rectify perceived insults. The following example shows how an "asshole" is likely to provoke an officer (from Van Maanen 2008): Policeman to motorist stopped for speeding: "May I see your driver's license please?" Motorist: "Why the hell are you picking on me and not somewhere else looking for some real criminals?" Policeman: "Cause you're an asshole, that's why…but I didn't know that until you opened your mouth." Often, such people become victims of police brutalization. Increased autonomy given to officers often makes them to indulge in police brutalization against people categorized as "assholes". Van Maanen (2008) recommends introducing accountability into officers' actions to avoid unjust brutalization of citizens, whatever is the case. Conclusions Brutalization by police officers on the basis of race are common phenomena that often go unpunished. African-Americans are often victims of this crime because of racist attitudes of the police officers. Manipulated records, silenced witnesses, victims' fear of retribution, the police "code of silence", and racial bias of prosecutors often contribute to police officers' getting away from such cases. The Rodney King beating by four white police officers proves this. But this case is one where justice was finally delivered, all because of the existence of a videotape of the event which the media sensationalized. Officers often brutalize people whom they perceive as a threat to their role as defenders of law. Introducing accountability into police actions could help in preventing brutalization. Works Cited Cooper, C. (2004). Prosecuting police officers for police brutality. In Policing and Minority Communities: Bridging the Gap. NY: Pearson Prentice Hall. Feagin, J. R., Vera, H., & Batur, P. (2001) White Racism : The Basics. New York: Routledge. Retrieved April 16, 2009, from Questia database: http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=102238615 Gibbons, M. (2004). Profiling—More than a euphemism for discrimination. In Policing and Minority Communities: Bridging the Gap. NY: Pearson Prentice Hall. NDSN (Summer 1999). Connecticut Passes Anti-Profiling Law. NDSN News Brief. Retrieved April 15, 2009 from Reuss-Ianni, E. (1982) Two Cultures of Policing: Street Cops and Management Cops. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Transaction. Rohrlich, T. (1991) The Times Poll: Majority Says Police Brutality Is Common. Los Angeles Times. Van Maanen, J. (1978). The asshole. In Manning, P.K., Van Maanen, J. (Eds), Policing: A View from the Street. Santa Monica, CA: Goodyear Publishing. Weich, R. & Angulo, C. (2000). Justice on Trial: Racial Disparities in The American Criminal Justice System. Washington, DC: Leadership Conference on Civil Rights; Leadership Conference Education Fund. Winerip, M. (2000). Why Harlem drug cops don't discuss race. In New York Times. Worden, R. (1995). The ‘causes’ of police brutality: Theory and evidence on police use of force. In William A. Geller and Hans Toch (Eds), And Justice for All: Understanding and Controlling Police Abuse of Force. Washington, DC: Police Executive Research Forum. Read More