Saudi newspapers Al Riyahd and Alwatan - Dissertation Example

Chapter 2 Literature Review and Background This study at its widest perspective deals with the study of news coverage of crisis by Two traditional newspapers in the Arab world, with particular reference to the operation led by Saudi Arabia so-called the Decisive Storm in Yemen 2015. Therefore, this chapter reviews other studies and research related to news coverage of crisis. The study is concerned predominantly with the attempting to understand the impact of old media media on consuming news and the preferences of readesrs in Saudi Arabia. In this context, it will be relevant to examine prior research on framing theory and in particular how the news was framed by Saudi newspapers Al Riyahd and Alwatan. Given its concern, this chapter also discusses the use of Framing Theory. It is important to note that this theory will also help establish the structure of this study, especially considering how earlier studies related this theory in the practical setting. The discussion that follows will mainly trace the history of Saudi Arabia’s political context, describe the media industry in the Kingdom, the patronization of newspapers, explain the emerging use of the social media called Twitter, compare the use of newspaper against Twitter amongst the public, and finally relate the usage of media platforms during the Saudi operation against the Houthi in Yemen.  Saudi Arabia, after experiencing someappalling terrorist attacks, is a crucial participant in the ‘war on terror’, and it has uncompromisingly pursued ISIS and Al-Qaeda radicals in Syria, Yemen, and Iraq (Shay and Liberman, 2005). The Yemen’s contemptible crimes committed by Houthis against acquitted Sunni children, women and men were the key factors that led Saudi Arabia to use force against them. Taylor (2015) states that Saudi Arabia and its associates on March 25, 2015 staged war, the Decisive Storm, in the name of defending civilization, legitimacy and humanity. 1.1 Theoretical Framework Communication theorists have taken great interests in studying further the concept of framing theory in mass media. This is particularly because there is quite confusion as to how this theory can be characterized in the theoretical and empirical perspective (Scheufele, 1999). In the earlier studies as that of Iyenger & Kinder (1987) and finally in McCombs, Shaw, and Weaver (1997), framing theory did not have much distinction between the concepts of agenda-setting theory. Agenda-setting theory is a communication concept, “which focuses directly on how media coverage leads to changes in the importance of different considerations” (Chong & Druckman, 2007). Scheufele (1999) and another study DeVreese (2005), however, agrees that the framing concept have inconsistency in its application, especially in identifying the frames projected in the media. In a more developed study of Scheufele along with his colleague Tewksbury (2007), the authors furthered the distinction between Framing, Agenda Setting, and Priming based on how the progress of studying mass media effects. A most recent review from Borah (2011) expresses the even more pressing issues in the conceptual debates of framing theory. Amidst the vagueness of the concept of framing theory, this research considers how this theory can still explain the context of the effects of news on the audience. The framing theory encompasses the origin, evolution, presentation, and effects of frames (Tewksbury & Scheufele, 2009). Most particularly, the study considers the following integrated process model offered De Vresse (2005) on framing theory as a process: The framing theory was first put forward by Goffman (1974) who called it frame analysis as it presented the people with an opportunity to interpret whatever news that has been received through their own framework. The frameworks used in undertaking analysis of the data can either be social or natural bit their experiences are understood through a wider social context. The existing discrepancies between the natural and social frameworks remains purely functional where the natural frameworks perceive any events to be natural and not being attributed to social factors as the cause of the events (Pan & Kosicki, 1999). Social frameworks on the other hand view events as being socially driven and can be manipulated by social factors like humans. The concept of framing news and communications become critical in seeking the agenda for both media draws and public opinions to be focused on specific issues. Framing of the agendas presented in communications enables journalists to define and construct communication (Goffman, 1974). These concepts are utilised in communications either subconsciously or with the knowledge of the individuals engaging in the communication process. The application of these frameworks constructs the topics that are presented within the media and define the form of reporting which journalist take (Pan & Kosicki, 1999). The form of framing which a communication takes defines the kind of manipulations which can be undertaken to ensure the story fits into the context within which it is being presented. Saudi Arabia Culture An energy superpower and foundation of Islam culture, the Saudi Arabia is ruled by a royal family headed by a King (Vassiliev 2000). The monarchy is the central institution of Saudi Arabia government. The country adopted fundamental laws in 1992 that stated that Saudi Arabia is a monarchy and will be ruled by King Abdul al-Aziz Al Saud sons and grandsons. The fundamental rules also stated that the Qur’an would be the constitution of the country. Saudi Arabia is administrated in accordance Shariah, Islamic law (Lacroix and Holoch 2011). Consequently, in Saudi Arabia there is no ballot vote nor political parties. The Shariah law regulates the King’s authority and power. For instance, the Shariah law provides the Saudis mode of dressing. Muslim men are required to wear clothes that cover their entire body, and head cloth known as shemagh while women are expected to wear a full-body black abaya. Non-citizens are not required to observe this strict dress code, but they are supposed to dress modestly. Long (2005) states that the King must maintain the consent of the religious leaders, royal family and other essential components in Saudi Arabia culture. The royal family topmost members of appoint the King amongst themselves with the approval of Hay’at al-Bay‘ah (Gause, 2011). Saudi Kings have gradually established a central government (Al-Rasheed, 2010). Since 1950s, the Ministers Council, responsible and appointed by King, have counselled the King on the formulation of general policy and directed him to the activities of the increasing bureaucracy. Nowadays, The Saudi Arabia council of ministers encompass of King Salman bin Abdulaziz as ruler and prime minister, two deputy prime ministers, 8 state ministers, 23 ministers (including the Minister of Interior who is crown prince and the minister of defence who is a deputy crown prince), and some consultants and head of crucial autonomous organisations. Al-Rasheed (2010) contends that the ministers council prepares laws in Saudi Arabia. The laws made must be well matched with Shariah regulation. Justice is delivered in agreement to the Shariah law by a system of religious courts made up of panel of the judges who are chosen by the King on the Supreme Judicial Council recommendation. The judiciary objectivity is safeguarded by the law. The King is the court of appeal and has the power to forgive a convicted party. Saudi Arabia is portioned into thirteen provinces that are administered royal family members. All the thirteen administrators are selected by the King (Long 2005). Media in Saudi Arabia The media in Saudi Arabia remains highly regulated by the government in terms of the content which can be presented to the public (Hallin & Mancini, 2012). This censorship has been implemented on all media platforms based on the basic media law that states that the role of media remains educating and inspiring national unity within the country. As a result of the increased censorship of the media within the kingdom, many grievances occurring within the country are not reported. This has resulted in the country becoming perceived as one of the societies which have very limited media freedom (Gause, 2013). This is because of the extreme regulation and control of the media content by the government. This is undertaken differently on the various forms of media which operate within the country. The electronic media remains the most influential in the modern times and it is hence the most regulated and observed in Saudi Arabia. According to freedom house (2014), the country had the most censored environment for the media around the world. Within the domestic mass media, every content presented is subjected to government control and censorship before it can be aired or printed. Many of the media organization within the country are however privately owned, but in seeking to ensure the government control, every editor in chief for all the newspapers printed in Saudi Arabia must be appointed by the government. Such level of interference creates a very strict environment in which the freedom of press remains relatively questionable (Hallin & Mancini, 2012). The government within the kingdom of Saudi Arabia imposes censorship measures upon local and international media operating within the country. As a result, many journalists and media houses within the country, practice self-censorship in seeking to avoid contravening the existing regulations (Khazen, 1999). Criticisms to the royal, family, the government and even tenets of Islam are not tolerated within the provisions of the media regulation in the country. Government censors remove any content which is deemed object able and offensive according to Islamic standards. This includes inference to Christianity and other religions, pork, alcohol, and sex among other things. Journalists and media houses found to be in contravention of these regulations risk being banned and their offices closed. Television was introduced in Saudi Arabia in 1964, and the continued regulation has resulted in the slow development of this form of media. There are only five broadcasters who control over 80% of the market for television in Saudi Arabia, since the regulation does not allow foreign television stations to operate within the country (Marghalani, Palmgreen, & Boyd, 1998). All the existing television broadcasting channels within the century are operated and run by the government. In seeking to ensure support for the media regulation, the programming of these stations is predominantly focused on entertainment, education and Islamic tenets. These media are not allowed to air any political content other than official government announcements. The regulations has made Saudi Arabia to become a popular market for pan-Arab satellite pay television as the citizens seek to get optional content from that which is presented in the by the national broadcaster. These satellites provide uncensored content to the people but they have been banned by the government in efforts aimed at regulating the content of television within the country (Marghalani, Palmgreen, & Boyd, 1998). Many people within Saudi Arabia have recognised the futility of trying to fight against these regulations and opted to find uncensored content and entertainment form other sources. Despite the increased regulation and control there are many Saudi investors who have invested heavily in television and other forms of media (Hallin & Mancini, 2012). While electronic media is heavily regulated, many people in the country in recent times have opted to search the internet for information and entertainment (Howard & Hussain, 2011). Many individuals can air their opinions on the social media, which remains difficult for the government to control despite the increasing attempts (Al-Khalifa, & Garcia, 2013). The popularity of social media usage within the country is increased by the rising number of smartphones within the country and the media regulation as well. Through the social media, the citizens are provided with a platform upon which to air their views freely (Batrinca & Treleaven, 2015). The government still monitors the internet for content which could be considered politically offensive, pornographic or even anti-Islamic. Despite these efforts people within the country can access such information by opting to use alternative servers to establish their connections. The internet has played a critical role in providing a platform for Saudi nationals to air their political opinions, and corruption existing within the government as well (Bennett & Iyengar, 2010). The major problem with this remains the possibility of websites becoming blocked with relative ease as all internet content is routed through servers in the state operated city of King Abdul-Aziz. It is a common practice of the government to block and even shut down websites deemed to contain politically offensive content. This has increasingly minimised the accessibility of the internet for users within the country. Individuals accessing the internet must also be careful in seeking to ensure they are not involved in criminal activities (Copeland, 2011). With such tight control on the media environment, little can be said across the various available channels. The media dynamics within Saudi Arabia are engulfed in system which aims at ensuring complete control over any content which is presented through the media. With restrictions being implemented in all areas, the people continue to seek other sources of information and approaches to ensure that they voice their opinions (Rugh, 2010). The other parts of the country continue to raise concerns about the media freedom within the country, while those residing within the kingdom seek alternative ways of sharing information (Howard & Hussain, 2011). Although the penalties for offensive content in the media might be dire, journalists and other media personalities have constantly tested the boundaries of permissible reporting within the country. With the regulation on media content in Saudi Arabia being imminent and the government maintaining its position, many media houses have effectively adopted to the environment and continued their operations. This has included the development of self-censorship in seeking to comply with the provisions of the law (Khazen, 1999). The existence of these laws rates the kingdom of Saudi Arabia as one with the most oppressive media laws in the world. The print media is the only one which enjoys limited regulation although the government controls the appointment of editor-in-chief among the newspapers. The print media has adopted to telling impressive motivational stories while seeking to avoid the controversial topics which would subject the content to censorship. Newspaper in Saudi Arabia Newspapers in Saudi Arabia came to be more popular as early as the 1920s. Amongst the earliest newspapers in the Gulf Region is the Al Falah, which was launched in Mecca in 1920. Most of the newspapers in the kingdom are written in the Arabic language. At present, there are twelve newspapers that are written in the Arabic language (Alarfaj, 2013). There are only two newspapers printed in English which are the Arab News and the Saudi Gazette. The Al Sharq Al Awsat newspaper is printed in both Arabic and English. Aside from Arabic and English, there are newspapers printed in the local languages spoken in the region such as in Malayalam and Urdu languages (Alarfaj, 2013) As modernization is taking its place in Islamic kingdom as Saudi Arabia, the forms of ownership amongst newspaper organizations in the country have also become more privatized(Alarfaj, 2013). While there is still censorship in the broadcast media, newspapers enjoy the privilege of printing contents in accordance with what seems relevant to the editors and its publishers. Saudi Arabia is amongst the emerging Arab nations with the most number of privatized newspaper organizations. The privatization of these newspapers has important implications in the present study because this meant that these private organizations have the control on the content of their messages published in the paper. This should imply further interests in analysing the background and dynamics of these organizations to understand relevant concepts of framing. Despite the large number of privately owned newspapers within the kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the aspects of regulations imposed by the government has become a prohibition due to the subsidization of the content the newspapers present. The reporting of information within the country becomes restricted by the increased government regulation of the content presented in the media (Khazen, 1999). Among the different forms of media used to communicate critical information to the general public, the newspapers in Saudi Arabia remain the most liberal and less regulated. Publication can be undertaken of different issues as the aspect of censorship is not very stringent on the print media, compared to the others. Newspapers in Saudi Arabia are extensively circulated as they are list regulated and are not meant for entertainment but rather to be informative. Of all the forms of media that are available within the country, the newspapers serve the purpose of informing the public, best when compared to other media. They have continued to gain popularity in the country and this is evident by the number of newspaper publications which are in circulation across the country. When compared to the other media, newspapers have been highly influential and have had minimal incidents of breaking the laws of the country in regard to censorship, hence they have experienced limited conflicts with the government like the other media. Newspapers and Credibility Print media remains of the most common forms of reporting that are utilised by people across the world in seeking information. This media, which mainly consist of newspapers, hold much power in influencing the opinions of the public on different issues around the world. It becomes critical for the newspapers to develop some form of credibility with the readers in seeking to increase their distributions (Sallam, 2011). The credibility of newspapers is mainly influenced by the form of reporting which the newspaper presents and the attitudes of readers towards issues being reported. These are the critical elements which determine the predisposition of the response which the public gives to stories published in the newspapers (Bjoergum, 2014). The attitudes of many Saudi nationals seek to have positive opinions and response to the local newspapers compared to the foreign newspapers. Understanding credibility of sources remains complex due to the various elements which form opinions and determine the levels of credibility accorded to any newspaper. In most cases, credibility is used in terms of defining the positive characteristics of the source which impact the readers’ capability to receive the message as intended (Sallam, 2011). The credibility of newspapers within the public is always associated with the sources, and the political tensions existing between nations makes people consider to read opinions of newspapers from their countries. Other than the form of reporting other factors that have been identified as having significant impact upon the credibility of newspapers in the country include, bias to opinions which are presented, while excessive praise affects the credibility of newspapers in a negative manner. Operation Decisive Storm Coverage through Saudi Newspaper The operation decisive storm was a Saudi-Arabian led military intervention in Yemen, following the escalation of crisis within the country. Since the beginning of operation, many of the newspapers within the country reported the events related to the operation constantly to the public, in seeking to keep them informed (Al Arabiya News, 2015). While the operation formed important news which people within the entire Arab world were concerned about, the western media trivialised the operation and failed to make any reports despite the American involvement in the operation. (Daod, 2015). This was a clear indication of the media interest in political elements which are of gross concern to the target audience. In seeking to develop the credibility of the Arabic newspapers upon the audience within the Middle East, the western media have been referred as foreign media in favour of the Arabic media. Nearly every newspaper in Saudi Arabia provided reports on daily basis to the public on the operation as it continued. Despite the significance of the event, the extensive coverage accorded to the operation by Saudi media could be highly associated with fact that Saudi Arabia was the country leading the operations. On the social media platform, many Saudi nationals supported and followed the events which made it become a significant and important media topic within the country when the operation was in progress (Eissa, 2013). The operation was an important undertaking for the Saudi government hence, headlines within the country as well as other Arab countries supporting the operations focused on the issue. The coverage of the operation was based on the social frame which was aimed at ensuring the public remains informed of the events which they were interested in. 2.4.1.6 Media Reports on the Storm The intelligence reports indicated that more than a hundred Saudi Arabian warplanes participated in the Yemen operation. In addition, there were other about eighty supplementary fighter jets provided by various Saudi Arabia allies including Qatar, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Morocco, Sudan, Jordan and Bahrain (Ottaway, 2015). Egypt and Pakistan later joined the campaign by providing airplanes and naval ships. The operation army started by terminating operations in airspace and major ports in Yemen. The plane taking part in this campaign smashed Houthi hiding places throughout the country in what seemed to be a wide-range air attack. The airplanes blown-up the international airport in Sana’a destroying Dulaimi Houthi militia base. In an effort to weaken the Houthis’ military capabilities, the planes struck Al-Sawad military base located south of Sana, the port city of Aden (Adakai, 2015). Houthi-controlled TV stated that 18 people were killed and more than twenty injured within the first twelve hours of the campaign. Furthermore, Saudi TV state-controlled channels reported that more than a few Houthi leaders were killed counting the spearhead al-Fayshi, Youssef al-Madani, and Abd al khaleq. The same television conveyed that the Rebels Revolutionary Committee head, Mohammad Ali al-Houthi, was incapacitated (Adakai, 2015). The World Health Organisation (WHO) recounted that the war that took place from 19th March to 17th April left more than 2000 people dead and wounded about 8000 (Chan, 2015). During the progress of the war, seven o’clock each evening, Saudis were tuning into national television to watch the live reportage and broadcast of news describing the movement and progress of the military in the operation. According to Ottaway (2015), the reportage was beginning with a small nationalistic song about the kingdom, in the song matching militaries and jets in action were being displayed on the screen. The Alliance spokesperson, General Ahmad Assiri, later could conduct the updating in US-style, with black-and-white videotape and photographs (Ghattas, 2015). The briefing was beginning with a guarantee that everything was working according to the original strategy. In one of the updating coverage, Ahmad Assiri specified that it is very challenging to get a country in armed operation or war, for it is not a pleasurable experience. However, he stated the situation in Yemen called for the operation to prevent it from becoming ungoverned space or a failed state (Ghattas, 2015). According to Roberts and Shaheen (2015), the US was supporting the extraordinary Saudi Arabia international military move to counter Houthis in Yemen. Al-Arabiya (21 May 2015) reported that said the kingdom had lined up more than 150000 soldiers with Egypt, Pakistan Sudan and Jordan ready to provide their troops. They also stated that, planes from Morocco, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Bahrain were taking part in the operation. (Roberts and Shaheen, 2015). The Saudi military spokesperson Brigadier Ahmed Asseri in a press on April 21st press conference stated that the coalition would continue to constrain the movement of Houthi militias and will continue undertaking operations inside the Yemen. He added that the bombing operation would continue if need be. A moment after the Al Arabiya TV end of operation announcement reports from Yemen Twitter update stated that the Saudi-led coalition forces were still bombing militia targets in Aden and Sanaa (Al-Arabiya, 21 May 2015). On April 22, the ejected president Abd Rabbuh Mansur issued a video address thanking the coalition for supporting justice. Through televised speech aired from Riyadh when Hadi was residing, he vowed to return to Yemen and rebuild the country (Sridharan, 2015). Houthis had fought many wars against the state this has provided them with experience and training that made them fare well in the Saudi-led coalition campaign (Ottaway, 2015). More importantly, many years of conflict have wreathed Yemen with weapons. There are adequate of accusations that Iran supplies Houthis with armaments (Eissa, 2013). After the eruption of the war, the TV channels that were sympathetic to the Houthi movement found it increasingly difficult to broadcast through the satellite because the main operators suspended their broadcasts (Metcalf, 2015). By the time President Hadi was escaping from the country, in late March, Aden TV was the only Yemen media that was still supporting him. Metcalf (2015) contends that Aden TV, a state-owned channel, continued to broadcast on 6th May when Houthi military took control of the channel. However, after Hadi’s émigré and Saudi-led military operation, a new satellite channel supporting Hadi was launched. Besides, to helping the Yemen evacuated president with media forums, Saudi Arabia was putted stress on TV channels that were backing the Houthis. Many television the in the region use the satellites that are managed by the Arabsat and Nilesat, in which Saudi and Egyptian governments are the core shareholders. The Saudi Arabia government focused on Houthis major channels Al-Masirah and Sahat situated in Beirut and Yemen TVs and Ali Salih’s located at Sanaa. Their transmission was through Arabsat and Nilesat were halted forcing them to look for alternative providers such as Eutelsat and Express (Metcalf, 2015). It was not possible to assess the Saudis opinion on their government operation decisive storm. There are no professional surveying organisations in Saudi Arabia and the public often shy away from expressing opinions that are related to the government viewpoint. At that place was unclear vision about whether Saudis consider Twitter or TV as the suitable platforms to obtain adequate news about the storm and show their support to the regime. In Saudi Arabia, there are no official movement, political parties or organisations. Consequently, philosophical currents form in a concealed manner. Organised political assemblies do not exist in Saudi Arabia. Subsequently, to gauge the public thinking of Saudis, one reads the opinions of influential figures of the leading philosophical currents. References Adakai, O. 2015. Saudi Arabia begins Operation Decisive Storm in Yemen. [online] The Long War Journal. Available at: http://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2015/03/saudi-arabia-begins-operation-decisive-storm-in-yemen.php [Accessed 1 Jun. 2015]. Ahmed. 2010. Top Ten Twitters Users in Saudi Arabia.[online] http://saudijeans.org/2010/11/28/top-ten-twitter-users-saudi-arabia [Accessed 1 Jun. 2015]. Al Arabiya News. (21 May 2015). Saudi ‘Decisive Storm’ waged to save Yemen. [online] http://english.alarabiya.net/en/News/middle-east/2015/03/26/GCC-states-to-repel-Houthi-aggression-in-Yemen-statement-.html [Accessed 29 May. 2015]. Alarfaj, A. (2013). How Saudi Arabian Newspapers Depicted the September 11 Attacks. Ph.D. University of Birmingham. Al Rasheed, N., 2013. الوطن أون لاين ::: خوجة لـ الوطن: "تويتر".. خارج سيطرتنا. [online] http://www.alwatan.com.sa/Nation/News_Detail.aspx?ArticleID=133168&CategoryID=3 [Accessed 30 May 2015]. Al-Khalifa, H. S., & Garcia, R. A. 2013. The State of Social Media in Saudi Arabia’s Higher Education. International Journal of Technology and Educational Marketing (IJTEM), 3(1), pp.65-76. Al-Khalifa, H. S., 2015. On the Analysis of Twitter Spam Accounts in Saudi Arabia. International Journal of Technology Diffusion (IJTD), 6(1), pp.46-60. Almaghlooth, A. (2014). The Relevance of Gatekeeping in the Process of Contemporary News Creation and Circulation in Saudi Arabia. Ph.D. University of Salford. Almistadi, M. I. 2014. Trendsetters vs. agenda setting: A comparison of agendas in Twitter and newspapers of Saudi Arabia. ARKANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY.USA Al-Rasheed, M., 2010. A history of Saudi Arabia. New York: Cambridge University Press. Alrashed, A. (2015). حجب «تويتر» ليس حلاً. [online] Aawsat.com. Available at: http://aawsat.com/home/article/404421/%D8%B9%D8%A8%D8%AF-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B1%D8%AD%D9%85%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B1%D8%A7%D8%B4%D8%AF/%D8%AD%D8%AC%D8%A8-%C2%AB%D8%AA%D9%88%D9%8A%D8%AA%D8%B1%C2%BB-%D9%84%D9%8A%D8%B3-%D8%AD%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%8B [Accessed 11 Jul. 2015]. Al-Qahtani, S (2011). Saudi Young People Attitudes towards the Internet in Light of Some Social Factors. MA dissertation, King Abdulaziz University, Saudi Arabia. AlZahrani, S., 2002. 45% of the Internet users in Saudi Arabia are women. Al-Watan Newspaper, Jan 7, First Page. Batrinca, B., & Treleaven, P. (2015). Social media analytics: a survey of techniques, tools and platforms. Al & Society. 30(1), 89-116 Bennett, W.L., & Iyengar, S. (2010). The shifting foundations of political communication: Responding to a defense of the media effects paradigm. Journal of Communication, 60, 35-39 Bjoergum, M. (2014). The Credibility of News Media: The difference in framing between traditional media and Twitter after the Boston Marathon bombing. Phd. Hawaii Pacific University. Borah, P. (2011). Conceptual issues in framing theory: A systematic examination of a decades literature. Journal of communication, 61(2), 246-263.‏ Brown, J. B. (1999). The use of focus groups in clinical research. In B. F. Crabtree & W. L. Miller (Eds.), Doing qualitative research (2nd ed., pp. 109–126). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Chan, M. 2015. Statement on the situation in Yemen. [online] Who.int. Available at: http://www.who.int/mediacentre/news/statements/2015/yemen-situation/en/ [Accessed 1 Jun. 2015]. Chyi, H. I., & McCombs, M. (2004). Media salience and the process of framing: Coverage of the columbine school shooting. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 81(1), 22–35. Cohen, L., Manion, L., & Morrison, K. (2007). Research methods in education. London, UK: Routledge. Communications and Information Technology Commission. 2011 Annual Report 2011, Riyadh: Communications and Information Technology Commission . Communications and Information Technology Commission. 2012. Annual Report 2012, Riyadh: Communications and Information Technology Commission. Copeland, R. (2011). Tweet all about it: Social media and the news revolution. Metro Magazine: Media & Education Magazine, 2011(169), pp.96–100. Creswell, J. W. (2013). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.‏ De Vreese, C. H. (2005). News framing: Theory and typology. Information design journal+ document design, 13(1), 51-62.‏ Eissa, A. M. A. 2013. Islamist political movements in Yemen. Contemporary Arab Affairs, 6, 1, pp.41-70. Elareshi, M., & Gunter, B. (2010). News consumption among young Libyan adults: Are new satellite TV news services displacing local TV news? Arab Media & Society Journal, issue 12. Eman El. 2014. Saudi religious police to monitor social media. [online] http://goo.gl/hQWFHN [Accessed 29 May 2015]. Fatany, S., 2012. The influence of Saudi social media. [online] http://www.saudigazette.com.sa/index.cfm?method=home.regcon&contentid=20120728131344 [Accessed 29 May 2015]. Fouad, A. (2015). Muslim Brotherhood split on Saudi strikes in Yemen - Al-Monitor: the Pulse of the Middle East. [online] Al-Monitor. Available at: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/04/yemen-operation-decisive-storm-egypt-brotherhood-reaction.html# [Accessed 1 Jun. 2015]. Gause, F. Gregory. 2011. Saudi Arabia in the New Middle East. Washington DC:Council on Foreign Relations Gazaz, O. B. 2006. Transnational Communications: Internet Influence and Regulation: the case study of Saudi Arabia. PhD Thesis, University of Leicester. Ghannam, J. 2011. Social Media in the Arab World: Leading up to the Uprisings of 2011. Center for international media assistance, 3.‏ Ghattas, K. 2015. Saudi Arabias new muscular foreign policy - BBC News. [online] http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-32381798 [Accessed 1 Jun. 2015]. Gmbwatch. 2015.Muslim Brotherhood Split on Saudi Strikes in Yemen. [Online] http://www.globalmbwatch.com/2015/04/19/recommended-reading-muslim-brotherhood-split-on-saudi-strikes-in-yemen/ [Accessed 1 Jun. 2015]. Goffman, E. (1974). Frame analysis: An essay on the organization of experience. Boston: Harvard University Press. Greasely, P. (2008). Quantitative data analysis using SPSS. New York: McGraw Hill. Hallin, D. C., & Mancini, P. 2012. Comparing media systems beyond the Western world. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Harper, R. A. 2003. Saudi Arabia (Modern World Nations). Philadelphia, Pa: Chelsea House Publishers Hassan, A. 2012. Saudis the biggest adopters of Twitter in the Arab world. [Online in Arabic]. http://sabq.org/dIbfde [Accessed 1 Jun. 2015]. Howard, P. N., & Hussain, M. M. 2011. The role of digital media. Journal of democracy, 22(3), pp.35-48 Bottom of FormHughes, G. 2015. A Proxy War in Arabia: The Dhofar Insurgency and Cross-Border Raids into South Yemen. The Middle East Journall, 69(1), 91-104 Jain, S. 2015. Saudi Arabia: King Salman Faces the 21st Century. Strategic Analysis, 39(3), pp.280-286. Johnson, R. B., & Onwuegbuzie, A. J. (2004). Mixed methods research: A research paradigm whose time has come. Educational Researcher, 33(7), pp 14–26. Jones, M. L. (2007). Using software to analyse qualitative data. Malaysian Journal of Qualitative Research, 1(1), pp. 64-76 Kelly, S., Earp, M., Reed, L., Shahbaz, A. and Truong, M. (2014). Tightening the Net: Governments Expand Online Controls | Freedom House. [online] Freedomhouse.org. Available at: https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-net/2014/tightening-net-governments [Accessed 10 Jun. 2015]. Khazen, J. B. (1999). Censorship and state control of the press in the Arab world. The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics, 4(3), 87–92. Kraidy, M. 2002. Arab Satellite Television between Regionalisation and Globalisation. Global Media Journal. 1(1), pp.1-15. Kraidy, M. M. 2010. Reality television and Arab politics: Contention in public life. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Krippendorff K. (2004). Content analysis: An introduction to its methodology (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Lacroix, S., & Holoch, G. 2011. Awakening Islam: The politics of religious dissent in contemporary Saudi Arabia. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Lamprakos, M. 2015. Building a world heritage city: Sanaa, Yemen. Vermont, USA: Ashgate2 Latham, M. (2005). British Media Coverage of the Kosovo Conflict. PhD. university of Leeds. Lee, N. 2014. Facebook nation: Total information awareness. New York: Springer Long. D. 2005. Culture and customs of Saudi Arabia. Westport, Connecticut, Greenwood Press. MacKinnon, R. 2012. Consent of the networked: The worldwide struggle for Internet freedom. New York: Basic Books Marghalani, K., Palmgreen, P., & Boyd, D. A. (1998). The utilization of direct satellite broadcasting (DBS) in Saudi Arabia. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 42(3), 297–314 Marilyn. K. Simon & Jim, G. (2013). Dissertation and Scholarly Research. Recipes for Success. Seattle, WA: Dissertation Success. Morgan, D. L. & Spanish, M. T. (1984). Focus groups: A new tool for qualitative Morse, F. 2014. Twitter source of all evil says Saudi Arabia cleric. [online] http://www.bbc.co.uk/newsbeat/article/29722810/twitter-source-of-all-evil-says-saudi-arabia-cleric [Accessed 1 Jun. 2015]. Ottaway, D. B. 2015. Saudi Arabia Forms a Pan-Arab Sunni Alliance Against the Houthis. Washington DC: Woodrow Wilson Center. Pan, Z., & Kosicki, G. M. (1999). Framing analysis: An approach to news discourse. Political Communication, 10(1), 55–75 Reuters. 2015. Iran leaders blast Saudi over Yemen, stress support for Assad. [online] http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/05/14/us-yemen-security-iran-idUSKBN0NZ0X220150514 [Accessed 1 Jun. 2015]. Roberts, D,. & Shaheen, K. 2015. Saudi Arabia Launches Yemen Air Strikes as Alliance Builds Against Houthi Rebels. [online] http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/mar/26/saudi-arabia-begins-airstrikes-against-houthi-in-yemen [Accessed 1 Jun. 2015]. Rød, E. G., & Weidmann, N. B. 2015. Empowering activists or autocrats? The Internet in authoritarian regimes. Journal of Peace Research, 52(3), pp.338-351. Rugh, W. A. 2004. Arab mass media: Newspapers, radio, and television in Arab politics.California: Greenwood Publishing Group. Sallam, M. A. A. (2011). The Impact of Source Credibility on Saudi Consumer’s Attitude toward Print Advertisement: The Moderating Role of Brand Familiarity. International Journal of Marketing Studies, 3(4), 63–77. Scheufele, D. A. (1999). Framing as a theory of media effects. Journal of Communication, 49, 103-122. Seib, P. M. 2007. New media and the new Middle East. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Shay, S., & Liberman, R. 2005. The Red Sea terror triangle: Sudan, Somalia, Yemen, and Islamic terror. New Jersey. Transaction Publishers. Shea B. 2013 Saudi Arabia May End Anonymous Twitter Use, Require Official ID to Monitor, Control Access. [online] http://www.adweek.com/socialtimes/saudi-arabia-twitter-access/480466 [Accessed 1 Jun. 2015]. Simon, M. (2006). Dissertation and scholarly research. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Pub. Co. Solo, A. M. G. 2014. Handbook of research on political activism in the information age. Beaverton, United States.Information Science reference. Sridharan, V. 2015. Yemen President Hadi thanks Saudi Arabia for military campaign and upholding legitimacy. [online] International Business Times UK. Available at: http://www.ibtimes.co.uk/yemen-president-hadi-thanks-saudi-military-campaign-upholding-legitimacy-1497699 [Accessed 1 Jun. 2015]. Tashakkori, A., & Teddlie, C. (Eds.). (2010). Sage handbook of mixed methods in social & behavioral research. London, UK: Sage.‏ Schoonderwoerd, N. (2013). 4 ways how Twitter can keep growing - PeerReach Blog. Blog.peerreach.com. Retrieved from http://blog.peerreach.com/2013/11/4-ways-how-twitter-can-keep-growing/ [Accessed 2 June 2015]. Vassiliev, A. (2000). The History of Saudi Arabia. New York: New York University Press.‏ Read More