Studying the UK Vocational Education and Training System and Skills Gap - Essay Example

VOCATIONAL TRAINING AND HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT IN UK: A STUDY OF THE NATIONAL VOCATIONAL EDUCATION AND TRAINING (VET) SYSTEM AND SKILLS GAP Student name: Institution: Course name: Tutor name: Date due: Contents 1.1. Introduction 3 The economic job force has been characterised by the dire demand for skilled labourers. As it should be, skilled workforce is an imperative aspect in the business ecosystem due to its direct effects to the economy and labour market (Lempinen 2013, p. 5). Based on this assertion, the economic sector and authorities responsible for vocational training have opened a dialogue to bridge the gap in training for the labour market. The Torino process of 2012 confirmed the European stand for reforming and strengthening vocational training with the aim of achieving great, efficient and competitive economic development (Lempinen 2013, p. 5). Despite that, UK still continues to suffer from a skills gap that has affected its high economy. 3 This paper provides arguments that establish the participation degree played by the UK national VET system in bridging the skills gap. The aim is not to provide a theoretical analysis of UK’s performance, but rather to reference performance frameworks to Australian and Germany VET systems by establishing what can be learnt. 3 1.2. Theoretical Grounding 3 2.1. Vocational Education and Training: Meaning and Importance. 6 The term Vocational education and training (VET) originates from the content and purpose of the training. International bodies define VET as the means of preparing occupation professional fields for effective participation in the labour market (Bosch and Charest 2010, p. 1). However, this definition may not fit the current educational dimension that is characterised by university education that also prepares individuals for the workforce under specific professions. Thus, while higher education is concerned with the preparation to the labour market, vocational training is more concerned with earlier specialization for an occupational field. For this paper, we shall adopt Brockmann’s (2008 p, 2). Definition of VET an integrated and comprehensive system aimed to offer learners the ability to act competently within an occupation. 6 VET helps to match individual skills with labour force and existing market needs, equips individuals with lower levels of education with developed skills that can enable them fit into the expanding global economy that has introduced competition among countries. Vocational training also empowers young and inexperienced employees with ‘job ready’ skills, and develops a high skilled labour force that encourages and country investments by increasing economic growth (OECD 2011, p.7). 6 2.2. VET approaches to Labour Market Models 6 2.2.1. National VET System and Skills Gap in United Kingdom 6 The universal decisive shift from holistic to vocational training in recent years has induced the UK to seek initiatives that aim at addressing her existing skills gap and low skills level compared to her competitors (Brockmann 2008, p. 9). Adopted measures have involved a shift to a system that match individuals skills to employer’s and market needs by embracing Rauner’s vocational education model which shifts the focus on education for an occupation (Rauner and Maclean 2009, p.13). 6 This element was pioneered when the NVQ introduced a system that nurtured the importance of competency by breaking the bond between training and practical qualifications. On the other hand, development of skills has approached the Anglo-Saxon approach modelled through school-based route to employment, an element that the NVQ has implemented by painting skill development as a personal attribute through personal mastery of provided tasks that has borne bitter fruits of low skills that do not match market needs. 7 This element seems to fit into certain sectors of the economy that operate on diversified specialization and division of labour (Wright et al., 2010, p.26). In contrast, parts of the economy have developed deep and persistent skill ‘potholes’ that damage business performance. In a newspaper article Groom (2012, para.8-10) notes that an employment and skills development survey indicated that some specialised vacancies in the fields of electricity and plumbing were hard to fill due to skill deficiency among applicants. Besides, there existed wide variation in training provision. In such an economy, the population that is perceived to be less educated lacks vocational skills with the majority of the few learned such as nurses and managers developing their skills. Most employers are also equipped with basic skills, but employees under them lack efficient skills to propel the economy to the required heights (Wright et al., 2010, p.26). These characteristics place the UK at a slower road to recovery as most job seekers miss out critical skills during their early years in school and vocational training. UK also faces the risk of facing the long-term effect of unemployment that affects not only their earnings but also their health and the economy at large. 7 Skill development is not offered through regulated training programmes, but has been integrated into the NVQ system that is oriented towards narrowing acquisition of skills required by employers (Brockmann 2008, p. 10).The system does not initiate broader community practice that equips learners with other skills, and thus limits knowledge. Therefore, skill development in UK has played a minor role in the economy as the existing system has been characterised by low completion rates and a voluntary system that is insignificant to employers. Once more government efforts to introduce skills academies as a measure to engage employers demand short-term training opportunities will impact narrowed skills that only serve the objective of the employers rather than the employees (Brockmann et al., 2008, p. 550). 8 TVET has a good reputation within the international market with some of its key strengths being its flexible delivery and using English as the instructional language. Moreover, its provision for life-long learning and employer engagement are features that meet the interests of the international community (Baldauf et al., 2008, p.30). However, its performance indicator in the OECD league table acts at the major set back towards its achievement. 8 The nature of the market presents a structure that needs change. The 2010 employment and skills report identified the UK as an internationally competitive market that lagged behind in terms of skills development. The report identified the unlikeliest of the nation to improve its skills position within a span on ten years by blaming the insufficient attention paid to labour demands and retraining the working population with relevant hands-on experience (Wright et al., 2010, p.26). In terms of productivity and employment, the UK is highly ranked among the OECD nations. Yet, its skills are not adequate to sustain its economic labour needs to enable her achieve her productivity levels. 8 2.2.2. VET systems in Other Countries 9 This section looks at the approaches used by different countries in capturing labour markets to be compared to the approach adopted by UK in the next part of the paper. The concept of developing national competitor models is difficult to define especially in countries like UK that are determined to capture the international labour and export market. With this knowledge at hand, this section seeks to discuss general essentials of the models operation in Australia and Germany. 9 a. Australia 9 The focus of the Australian TVET system is mainly focussed upon both the employer and individual interests and demands (OECD 2011, p.19). The latest model of national training system emphasized on the critical roles of employers in determining “training policies and priorities” as an instrument of ensuring TVET systems approached the current and future labour market demands (Baldauf et al., 2008, p.40). TVET is highly integrated within the government agencies that establish a competitive labour market for vocational training providers (OECD 2011, p.19). For example, AusAID initiates a demand for international educational services which are supplied by the TVET system based on available competition among institutions. The position of TVET within the education system provides strong products for expert, despite its diversified nature. States and territories are responsible for establishing vocational training institutions while the federal government is responsible for improving the quality of learning, funding, and taking up an international relations approach to education (Baldauf et al., 2008, p.61). The competitive strength in Australia lies within its well-regarded education system, closeness to its main markets and well-oriented TVET systems that meet market labour demands. Its international trading activities are conducted through AUSTrade that coordinates and promotes education and training institutions globally (Baldauf et al., 2008, p.40). The country has established its international labour presence through its membership in international forums and bilateral agreements pertaining education with developing countries like China and Malaysia. 10 b. Germany 10 Germany has a strong education system established on systematic apprentice system (dual systems) that provides alternative for education (Warwas and Tenberg 2013, p. 299). Vocation, commonly referred to as Beruf emerged from German history of the craft-based system that is deeply rooted in the German society (OECD 2011, p.33). 10 Vocational schools are compulsory and are largely based on work-based training that is strengthened by general education and theoretical knowledge, a method that provides a society comprised of education and occupational route for the lower classes, and at the same time produce a strong distinct workforce (Brockmann et al., 2008, p. 547). Thus, the entire population is included in the skill development and economic promotion irrespective of their academic ability and social order. 11 The link between qualification, training and occupation is established through negotiations by stakeholders. By doing so, individuals sign contracts with companies that meet the criteria to vocational training act and practices apprenticeship for about three years depending on the occupation (Baldauf et al., 2008, p.49). Therefore, training takes place in both companies and vocational institutions, hence the name ‘dual education’. This also makes all German occupations relevant to the workforce as they are recognised. The system does not embrace life-long learning as the highest degree of specialization happens during the initial years, a holistic principle of Beruf. Germany offers a fixed education system that is discrete from Ertl’s model of differentiation and expansion as no flexible routes are offered within the system to allow individuals to switch between courses, choose optional modules or continue with training later in life (Brockmann 2008, p. 6). Perhaps the fixed model serves as a way of increasing job professionalism by preparing fully skilled graduates for a ready job market, rather than using half-skilled graduates who improve fragments of their skills. 11 Dual education system is modelled to deliver general education constituting about a third of the curriculum, underpinned by occupationally specific education and training which provides hands-on experience that is never out-dated (Baldauf et al., 2008, p.49). Trainees are rewarded with an increasing amount of pay as they advance their training. 11 Vocational training is mainly offered by public vocational schools with the help of few private ones. Training in public institutions is offered free, while in private ones levy a monthly training fee (OECD 2011, p.33). The German dual education system is internationally recognized through its continuous ability to link theory and practice. Internationally, Germany delivers its TVET programs through German Technical Cooperation (GTZ), an international cooperation enterprise that promotes sustainable development services around the globe (Baldauf et al., 2008, p.49). Its international capacity is heavily influenced by its local TVET system that ensures its skill force is adequately and professionally developed to meet global economic labour markets. 12 2.2.3. Comparisons and Discussion  12 A. Government Participation in TVET Management 12 Most of the developed nations have devolved vocational training to respective states and even local levels but do not take their promotion as a priority nationally. One major outstanding feature of the Australian TVET system is the governments’ formal constitutional authority over its management, possibly due to the greater revenue-raising capacity of the national government compared to that of the states (Cully et al., 2009, p. 17). On the other hand, Germany VET is compulsory and is mainly offered through vocational schools that provide the services to all senior secondary and tertiary schools. The country has also managed its implementation by offering the training free in all its public institutions. 12 UK has partially developed features similar to Australia’s that need to be developed and implemented up to the national level for effective performance as most of training institutions choose to compete among themselves and are offered little support from the national government. The Australian model links vocational training to the labour market by allowing employers and job seekers to meet desired training and skills. This linkage is provided through formal, legal and administrative, institutional structures such as AusAID and TAFE that are governed at various levels to provide systematic mechanisms. Emphasis on competency in training provides a platform through which employers and employees focus only on skills that meet specific and nationally recognised skills. Their flexibility and diversity feature characterised by a mixture of public and private education provision encourages the pubic to extensively use the system. Unlike Australia and Germany, the UK system lacks a sense of ownership and responsibility as it appears that the negligence of the education system can be attributed to poor vocational training outcomes. 13 b. Public-Private Partnership and Distribution of TVET 13 Industrial involvement depends on the established social partnership between governments and the industrial sector (Cully et al., 2009, p. 4). This power is mostly presented in the local level as opposed to the national level. For example, Germany has taken this role to the local level where trainers are certified by the local chambers of commerce and industry. The UK and Australian approaches have a close resemblance in involving both state and local authorities, with the overall responsibility lying on the national government through the respective bodies governing education. However, the system differs within the two countries in that, while individual employers are directly engaged to VET due to the RTO ten-year provision, the UK system does not offer a long sustaining conventional regulation pertaining employer involvement (Cedefop 2010, p.53). 13 Yet again, while the Australian government takes total control over the system by performing most of its functions through state training authorities and delegating some of lesser functions to state levels, the UK has delegated all its functions to the sector skills authorities and thus devolving, of its powers downwards rather than taking national control over the system. According to Bosch and Charest (2008, p. 445), the development of vocational training is structured by the economy and labour markets. Thus, a policy, such as the one adopted in UK will highly be ineffective in achieving the desired changes. The prevalence of sector and industrial skills councils presents a critical issue regarding the extent to which they genuinely represent employer’s opinions in their respective states, and thus suggesting a problematic gap between the labour market needs and VET supply systems. Variations differ within the countries, with the ones that are depended on intermediary institutions being affected more. A close look at the governance functions of the Australian skills governing body, it is clearly evident that responsibilities are taken at the national level, by the governing body responsible for supporting the national economy. Therefore, most of the information and decision-making emanates from the government, and the industries have a secondary role. 14 c. Adopted Training Models 14 Unlike the situation in Germany and Australia, the VET in British appears to be divided between general, academic, vocational and practical education, with little emphasis on the practical element. This trend has led to the weakening of the labour force by appearing to emphasize the ‘gold standard’ of general academic education. The Anglo-Saxon approach used in the UK model introduces conflicts concerned with its ability to purely represent market needs. Even though the school-based route may be used to place the provision of education training as more occupational, it has a limited scope to employment due to the widened gaps between school-based and work-based pathways that demarcate boundaries between academic and professional education (Warwas and Tenberg 2013, p.229). 14 Compared to the Germany approach, this approach has brought in the topic of critical linkage skill formation and performance, as well as the quality of competency due to absent regulatory obligations and the importance of educational attainments to form part of assessment. In essence, the UK approach lacks a formal work-based preference for assessing students. The introduction of general education as a means of developing skills also underpins competent performance. 15 Australian and Germany models appear to have been influential through their ‘market-oriented’ than that meet market demands by allowing employers and job seekers to meet desired training and skills. On the other hand, the UK has developed ‘employer-oriented’ models that appear to favour the needs of employers more than those of individuals. The UK has however developed strong relationships through projects that aim at introducing national qualifications, occupational standards and pedagogical reforms that would significantly enable her to compete with other nations. Skills in UK are typically narrow and task specific with little knowledge as opposed to her competitors, who integrate skill development to fit into both occupational and theoretical knowledge. 15 This discussion has shown that Australia and Germany take in holistic concepts in the context of education management of TVET. Their systems are made up of theoretical content and general education. In addition, the notion of employability is represented differently within the UK VET ecosystem. Vocational training outcomes in these countries have different meanings that serve different purposes a variety of stakeholders, and thus representing communal interests. Thus, an element of communal ownership and citizenship is instilled within the population. On the contrary, the UK system is based on the common assumption that defines learning according to employer’s needs. The national VET system is structured to perform such functions that aim at achieving the employer-driven skills production. 15 15 3.1. Conclusion 16 1.1. Introduction The economic job force has been characterised by the dire demand for skilled labourers. As it should be, skilled workforce is an imperative aspect in the business ecosystem due to its direct effects to the economy and labour market (Lempinen 2013, p. 5). Based on this assertion, the economic sector and authorities responsible for vocational training have opened a dialogue to bridge the gap in training for the labour market. The Torino process of 2012 confirmed the European stand for reforming and strengthening vocational training with the aim of achieving great, efficient and competitive economic development (Lempinen 2013, p. 5). Despite that, UK still continues to suffer from a skills gap that has affected its high economy. This paper provides arguments that establish the participation degree played by the UK national VET system in bridging the skills gap. The aim is not to provide a theoretical analysis of UK’s performance, but rather to reference performance frameworks to Australian and Germany VET systems by establishing what can be learnt. 1.2. Theoretical Grounding Towards the end of the twentieth century, vocational training was seen as an inferior field compared to high education that is replicated in UK’s education system that only offered core skills. The 1989 ‘Towards Skill Revolution” saw employers demand for employee key skills indicating that there was need to introduce an education system that would propel and retail the country to the competitive global marketplace (Wright et al., 2010, p.24). This called for the integration of ‘key skills’ into the system through the National Vocational Qualifications (NVQ), which when compared with actual vocational training institutions in other developing nations, lagged behind. As a result, these skills slugged down to unplanned functional skills that have lost meaning in the labour market. Despite the integration of NVQ in some occupational sectors, the historical development of vocational training in UK has been characterised by predicaments that have illustrated evidence of detach between knowledge and skills. The 2002 Copenhagen Declaration reshaped European national policies through the improvement in cooperation of vocational education and training. VET is an important and flexible factor in all-time learning that connects changing labour market demands to the continuously applicable and logically oriented experience at workplace (Cedefop 2010, p.1). Thus, sustained vocational training functions as the nucleus of this process and at the same time raises productivity through modernised and innovative work practices. The promotion of VET calls for in-depth insights into training policies, the significance of public instruments, and the collective role of partners. The UK labour force has been characterised by continuous debates about the provision of training and delivery of skills as a shared responsibility between the government, industrial sectors and individuals. A recent new article reveals the thrust of the problem by highlighting youth employment as an indicator to the country’s’ future economic performance (Groom 2012, para 2). Evidently, UK is struggling with youth unemployment and unfilled job gaps created by lack of skill force, problems that may be replicated through her diminishing economy in the near future. 1.2.1. Skills and Development of Human Resources Skills and performance are human resource management functions concerned with organizational activity that improve individual and group performance within organizations. In practice, skills training take in education that focus on a person’s future potential in an occupation, training that focus on an individual’s evaluation against a current job, and development that focus on organizational activities in relation to the future prospects of an employee (Patrick and Bruce 2000, p. 225). Grugulis (2007, p. 56) notes that skills and skilled work are social products formed within a system that contribute to the production of a broader set of social structures which are centred on national systems as well as employment relations. Within this context the existence of, education, training and human resource are not in isolation, but rather within underlying societal structures that determine and mould the nature and designs of jobs and its conduct. Political dimensions act as important frameworks under which skills and training are developed as power and statuses are strong social dimensions through which soft skills are restructured (Grugulis 2007, p. 68). For example, coordinated and liberal market economies such as UK are fighting to bridge the gap between vocational and higher education. However, nothing can be achieved by examining the inner dynamics but rather establishing the potential that is embedded within the market analysis (Bosch and Charest 2008, p. 445). Therefore, development of skills is closely linked to each other, and determined by societal structures such as market demands and vocational training, which in turn design the labour market. The UK labour market has raised issues that have made employers have a legitimate interest in the design of vocational training; an aspect that has extensively attracted the government’s interest in supplying skilled workers. Employee training is an element that cannot be assumed when developing human resources, as it improves employee performance by equipping them with necessary skills that make them aware basic tasks (Grugulis 2006, p. 103). Training also builds employee confidence as they are better equipped with stronger understanding, and builds their confidence. Acquired confidence pushes them to perform better and act as major competitors within the industry. Despite of this, the existing education policy has ignored basic systemic and underlying national structures by delving into the assumption that there is unmet demand for skilled labour, rather than equipping the providing the required institutional and regulatory infrastructure. 2.1. Vocational Education and Training: Meaning and Importance. The term Vocational education and training (VET) originates from the content and purpose of the training. International bodies define VET as the means of preparing occupation professional fields for effective participation in the labour market (Bosch and Charest 2010, p. 1). However, this definition may not fit the current educational dimension that is characterised by university education that also prepares individuals for the workforce under specific professions. Thus, while higher education is concerned with the preparation to the labour market, vocational training is more concerned with earlier specialization for an occupational field. For this paper, we shall adopt Brockmann’s (2008 p, 2). Definition of VET an integrated and comprehensive system aimed to offer learners the ability to act competently within an occupation. VET helps to match individual skills with labour force and existing market needs, equips individuals with lower levels of education with developed skills that can enable them fit into the expanding global economy that has introduced competition among countries. Vocational training also empowers young and inexperienced employees with ‘job ready’ skills, and develops a high skilled labour force that encourages and country investments by increasing economic growth (OECD 2011, p.7). 2.2. VET approaches to Labour Market Models 2.2.1. National VET System and Skills Gap in United Kingdom The universal decisive shift from holistic to vocational training in recent years has induced the UK to seek initiatives that aim at addressing her existing skills gap and low skills level compared to her competitors (Brockmann 2008, p. 9). Adopted measures have involved a shift to a system that match individuals skills to employer’s and market needs by embracing Rauner’s vocational education model which shifts the focus on education for an occupation (Rauner and Maclean 2009, p.13). This element was pioneered when the NVQ introduced a system that nurtured the importance of competency by breaking the bond between training and practical qualifications. On the other hand, development of skills has approached the Anglo-Saxon approach modelled through school-based route to employment, an element that the NVQ has implemented by painting skill development as a personal attribute through personal mastery of provided tasks that has borne bitter fruits of low skills that do not match market needs. This element seems to fit into certain sectors of the economy that operate on diversified specialization and division of labour (Wright et al., 2010, p.26). In contrast, parts of the economy have developed deep and persistent skill ‘potholes’ that damage business performance. In a newspaper article Groom (2012, para.8-10) notes that an employment and skills development survey indicated that some specialised vacancies in the fields of electricity and plumbing were hard to fill due to skill deficiency among applicants. Besides, there existed wide variation in training provision. In such an economy, the population that is perceived to be less educated lacks vocational skills with the majority of the few learned such as nurses and managers developing their skills. Most employers are also equipped with basic skills, but employees under them lack efficient skills to propel the economy to the required heights (Wright et al., 2010, p.26). These characteristics place the UK at a slower road to recovery as most job seekers miss out critical skills during their early years in school and vocational training. UK also faces the risk of facing the long-term effect of unemployment that affects not only their earnings but also their health and the economy at large. Skill development is not offered through regulated training programmes, but has been integrated into the NVQ system that is oriented towards narrowing acquisition of skills required by employers (Brockmann 2008, p. 10).The system does not initiate broader community practice that equips learners with other skills, and thus limits knowledge. Therefore, skill development in UK has played a minor role in the economy as the existing system has been characterised by low completion rates and a voluntary system that is insignificant to employers. Once more government efforts to introduce skills academies as a measure to engage employers demand short-term training opportunities will impact narrowed skills that only serve the objective of the employers rather than the employees (Brockmann et al., 2008, p. 550). TVET has a good reputation within the international market with some of its key strengths being its flexible delivery and using English as the instructional language. Moreover, its provision for life-long learning and employer engagement are features that meet the interests of the international community (Baldauf et al., 2008, p.30). However, its performance indicator in the OECD league table acts at the major set back towards its achievement. The nature of the market presents a structure that needs change. The 2010 employment and skills report identified the UK as an internationally competitive market that lagged behind in terms of skills development. The report identified the unlikeliest of the nation to improve its skills position within a span on ten years by blaming the insufficient attention paid to labour demands and retraining the working population with relevant hands-on experience (Wright et al., 2010, p.26). In terms of productivity and employment, the UK is highly ranked among the OECD nations. Yet, its skills are not adequate to sustain its economic labour needs to enable her achieve her productivity levels. 2.2.2. VET systems in Other Countries This section looks at the approaches used by different countries in capturing labour markets to be compared to the approach adopted by UK in the next part of the paper. The concept of developing national competitor models is difficult to define especially in countries like UK that are determined to capture the international labour and export market. With this knowledge at hand, this section seeks to discuss general essentials of the models operation in Australia and Germany. a. Australia The focus of the Australian TVET system is mainly focussed upon both the employer and individual interests and demands (OECD 2011, p.19). The latest model of national training system emphasized on the critical roles of employers in determining “training policies and priorities” as an instrument of ensuring TVET systems approached the current and future labour market demands (Baldauf et al., 2008, p.40). TVET is highly integrated within the government agencies that establish a competitive labour market for vocational training providers (OECD 2011, p.19). For example, AusAID initiates a demand for international educational services which are supplied by the TVET system based on available competition among institutions. The position of TVET within the education system provides strong products for expert, despite its diversified nature. States and territories are responsible for establishing vocational training institutions while the federal government is responsible for improving the quality of learning, funding, and taking up an international relations approach to education (Baldauf et al., 2008, p.61). The competitive strength in Australia lies within its well-regarded education system, closeness to its main markets and well-oriented TVET systems that meet market labour demands. Its international trading activities are conducted through AUSTrade that coordinates and promotes education and training institutions globally (Baldauf et al., 2008, p.40). The country has established its international labour presence through its membership in international forums and bilateral agreements pertaining education with developing countries like China and Malaysia. b. Germany Germany has a strong education system established on systematic apprentice system (dual systems) that provides alternative for education (Warwas and Tenberg 2013, p. 299). Vocation, commonly referred to as Beruf emerged from German history of the craft-based system that is deeply rooted in the German society (OECD 2011, p.33). Vocational schools are compulsory and are largely based on work-based training that is strengthened by general education and theoretical knowledge, a method that provides a society comprised of education and occupational route for the lower classes, and at the same time produce a strong distinct workforce (Brockmann et al., 2008, p. 547). Thus, the entire population is included in the skill development and economic promotion irrespective of their academic ability and social order. The link between qualification, training and occupation is established through negotiations by stakeholders. By doing so, individuals sign contracts with companies that meet the criteria to vocational training act and practices apprenticeship for about three years depending on the occupation (Baldauf et al., 2008, p.49). Therefore, training takes place in both companies and vocational institutions, hence the name ‘dual education’. This also makes all German occupations relevant to the workforce as they are recognised. The system does not embrace life-long learning as the highest degree of specialization happens during the initial years, a holistic principle of Beruf. Germany offers a fixed education system that is discrete from Ertl’s model of differentiation and expansion as no flexible routes are offered within the system to allow individuals to switch between courses, choose optional modules or continue with training later in life (Brockmann 2008, p. 6). Perhaps the fixed model serves as a way of increasing job professionalism by preparing fully skilled graduates for a ready job market, rather than using half-skilled graduates who improve fragments of their skills. Dual education system is modelled to deliver general education constituting about a third of the curriculum, underpinned by occupationally specific education and training which provides hands-on experience that is never out-dated (Baldauf et al., 2008, p.49). Trainees are rewarded with an increasing amount of pay as they advance their training. Vocational training is mainly offered by public vocational schools with the help of few private ones. Training in public institutions is offered free, while in private ones levy a monthly training fee (OECD 2011, p.33). The German dual education system is internationally recognized through its continuous ability to link theory and practice. Internationally, Germany delivers its TVET programs through German Technical Cooperation (GTZ), an international cooperation enterprise that promotes sustainable development services around the globe (Baldauf et al., 2008, p.49). Its international capacity is heavily influenced by its local TVET system that ensures its skill force is adequately and professionally developed to meet global economic labour markets. 2.2.3. Comparisons and Discussion  The expansion of vocational training to the most populous parts of the world has brought about the involvement of industry parties in governing VET systems. The trend does not apply to all countries due to the nature of their education sectors. This section will compare and discuss features pertaining government management, partnership, and adopted training models of TVETs in UK, Germany and Australia. A. Government Participation in TVET Management Most of the developed nations have devolved vocational training to respective states and even local levels but do not take their promotion as a priority nationally. One major outstanding feature of the Australian TVET system is the governments’ formal constitutional authority over its management, possibly due to the greater revenue-raising capacity of the national government compared to that of the states (Cully et al., 2009, p. 17). On the other hand, Germany VET is compulsory and is mainly offered through vocational schools that provide the services to all senior secondary and tertiary schools. The country has also managed its implementation by offering the training free in all its public institutions. UK has partially developed features similar to Australia’s that need to be developed and implemented up to the national level for effective performance as most of training institutions choose to compete among themselves and are offered little support from the national government. The Australian model links vocational training to the labour market by allowing employers and job seekers to meet desired training and skills. This linkage is provided through formal, legal and administrative, institutional structures such as AusAID and TAFE that are governed at various levels to provide systematic mechanisms. Emphasis on competency in training provides a platform through which employers and employees focus only on skills that meet specific and nationally recognised skills. Their flexibility and diversity feature characterised by a mixture of public and private education provision encourages the pubic to extensively use the system. Unlike Australia and Germany, the UK system lacks a sense of ownership and responsibility as it appears that the negligence of the education system can be attributed to poor vocational training outcomes. b. Public-Private Partnership and Distribution of TVET Industrial involvement depends on the established social partnership between governments and the industrial sector (Cully et al., 2009, p. 4). This power is mostly presented in the local level as opposed to the national level. For example, Germany has taken this role to the local level where trainers are certified by the local chambers of commerce and industry. The UK and Australian approaches have a close resemblance in involving both state and local authorities, with the overall responsibility lying on the national government through the respective bodies governing education. However, the system differs within the two countries in that, while individual employers are directly engaged to VET due to the RTO ten-year provision, the UK system does not offer a long sustaining conventional regulation pertaining employer involvement (Cedefop 2010, p.53). Yet again, while the Australian government takes total control over the system by performing most of its functions through state training authorities and delegating some of lesser functions to state levels, the UK has delegated all its functions to the sector skills authorities and thus devolving, of its powers downwards rather than taking national control over the system. According to Bosch and Charest (2008, p. 445), the development of vocational training is structured by the economy and labour markets. Thus, a policy, such as the one adopted in UK will highly be ineffective in achieving the desired changes. The prevalence of sector and industrial skills councils presents a critical issue regarding the extent to which they genuinely represent employer’s opinions in their respective states, and thus suggesting a problematic gap between the labour market needs and VET supply systems. Variations differ within the countries, with the ones that are depended on intermediary institutions being affected more. A close look at the governance functions of the Australian skills governing body, it is clearly evident that responsibilities are taken at the national level, by the governing body responsible for supporting the national economy. Therefore, most of the information and decision-making emanates from the government, and the industries have a secondary role. c. Adopted Training Models Unlike the situation in Germany and Australia, the VET in British appears to be divided between general, academic, vocational and practical education, with little emphasis on the practical element. This trend has led to the weakening of the labour force by appearing to emphasize the ‘gold standard’ of general academic education. The Anglo-Saxon approach used in the UK model introduces conflicts concerned with its ability to purely represent market needs. Even though the school-based route may be used to place the provision of education training as more occupational, it has a limited scope to employment due to the widened gaps between school-based and work-based pathways that demarcate boundaries between academic and professional education (Warwas and Tenberg 2013, p.229). Compared to the Germany approach, this approach has brought in the topic of critical linkage skill formation and performance, as well as the quality of competency due to absent regulatory obligations and the importance of educational attainments to form part of assessment. In essence, the UK approach lacks a formal work-based preference for assessing students. The introduction of general education as a means of developing skills also underpins competent performance. Australian and Germany models appear to have been influential through their ‘market-oriented’ than that meet market demands by allowing employers and job seekers to meet desired training and skills. On the other hand, the UK has developed ‘employer-oriented’ models that appear to favour the needs of employers more than those of individuals. The UK has however developed strong relationships through projects that aim at introducing national qualifications, occupational standards and pedagogical reforms that would significantly enable her to compete with other nations. Skills in UK are typically narrow and task specific with little knowledge as opposed to her competitors, who integrate skill development to fit into both occupational and theoretical knowledge. This discussion has shown that Australia and Germany take in holistic concepts in the context of education management of TVET. Their systems are made up of theoretical content and general education. In addition, the notion of employability is represented differently within the UK VET ecosystem. Vocational training outcomes in these countries have different meanings that serve different purposes a variety of stakeholders, and thus representing communal interests. Thus, an element of communal ownership and citizenship is instilled within the population. On the contrary, the UK system is based on the common assumption that defines learning according to employer’s needs. The national VET system is structured to perform such functions that aim at achieving the employer-driven skills production. 3.1. Conclusion Even with the numerous reforms in the educational sector which aim at improving participation rates of VET within schools, the UK government has not heightened the country’s skill force to standards due to the continuous improvement of general content rather than increasing practical element in courses, a concept that can be learnt from the Germany and Australian systems. Again, outside the school context vocational training is weakened by lack standardised curricula that lack well-developed workplace element and thus produces ‘half-baked graduates’ who are unfit to join the labour force. 3.1.1. Recommendations Based on the above, the recommendations from the study areas are as follows: • UK needs to observe and emulate TVET models used by successful countries to promote vocational training and bridge the skills gap. However, the method of borrowing should be done cautiously bearing in mind the different nature of education systems as well as the national approach to both local and international support. • Involving the private sector in skills development of basic decision-making process as a channel of advancing service provision. This will include reshaping and introducing new developments in TVETs to fit stakeholders needs and ideas. • The government should develop a national governing and qualification framework with the aim of converging TVETs understanding among prospective employer and students • In order to eliminate attitudes and perceptions among the population and especially the young people, promotional campaigns should be developed, and the importance of vocational training highlighted. This method can also be integrated with an introduction of sensitization workshops in schools and tertiary training institutions. These promotional activities should also be targeted to all to-be influences stakeholders among them parents, career advisers and the social segments sectors of the economy. So far, from our discussion, it is evident that both Germany and Australia have been successful in sustaining their TVET systems. 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