The Rise and Fall of Palmyra in the Third Century - Essay Example

The Rise and Fall of Palmyra in the Third Century Name: Institution: Introduction During 260 AD, Persia imposed a heavy conquer on the Romans when they infested the provinces in the east and captured Valerian, the emperor of the Rome, at Edessa1 (All Empires, p.1). At this time the fall of the Roman kingdom was well in progress, and the capital of Palmyra situated near Syria which had been running as a semi- self-governing capital state for several centuries, grabbed its opportunity2 (Dodgeon & Lieu, p.68). Odenathus led the Palmyrenes to start pretending as Roman allies. In this situation, they grabbed the region of Mesopotamia from the Persians, and they overpowered them around Ctesiphon, their city, in 266 AD. However, following Odenathus death in 267 AD, his wife Zenobia became the new ruler. In 273 AD, Palmyra attempted a revolt but they were overpowered3 (Potter, p.390). This context illustrates the rise and fall of Palmyra. Factors that contributed to Palmyra’s rise The immense deal of Palmyra’s past made it become an active city free of foreign ruling, set amid the empires that were very influential; Rome and the Sasanid Persian Empire; Palmyra became accustomed at balancing tranquility involving the two opponent empires4 (Dodgeon &Lieu, p.69). As a result of this, an affiliate of the ruling family, Septimius Odaenathus, was appointed as senator in Rome, which contributed to Palmyra’s support to rise. When sovereign Valerian was overpowered in Edessa and detained by the Persians in 260 AD the viewpoint of problem for Palmyra was very authentic as the Romans had favored them5 (All Empires, p.1). Therefore Odeanathus made a decision to give his complete support to the Romans. The Persians were overthrown by Odaenathus in the east. Having protected Syria and recovered Mesopotamia, he entered the rival region including Ctesiphon. Due to this, he was prized for his achievement and the Gallienus titled his as commander-in-chief of the East6 (All Empires, p.1). As a result of his accomplishment Odaenathus was in ability to expand his position and shaped himself in the fashion of the Persians rulers with the designation of king of kings7 (Graf, p.140). On the death of Odaenathus, his wife Septimia Zenobia, took power. At its peak, Palmyra conquered almost the whole Roman East with immense speed and accuracy, a truly amazing achievement.8(Namakura, p.145) Zenobia was illustrated with the image of a self-determining woman able to perform any job of a proficient ruler9 (All Empires, p.1). While participating in invasions, she maintained her sociable relation with Rome, to which Palmyra had been a significant supporter in the east. Conversely, with Rome’s wealthy regions close to her boundaries, and the reality that Rome was collapsing under the ruling of opponents whom she did not regard as actual emperors, it was an issue of time before she would split the coalition10 (All Empires, p.1). The traditions of Arab on Zenobia are relevant to the perceptive of her rise to supremacy and the perspective of her uprising11 (Stoneman, p.169). It is just likely that Zenobia had been expanding fingers of power into Palestine in the beginning of 260. Emesa was as well under Palmyrene sway by the ending of the 260s. But the primary crucial step was taken when general Zabdas was sent by Zenobia to attack Egypt12 (Stoneman, p.170). With both capacity and power on her side, she got on one of the most extraordinary challenges to the dominion of Rome that had been observed even in that disorderly century13 (Stoneman, p.172). Palmyra was merely the true caravan town to be initiated on the Eastern borders14 (Gawlikowski, p.27). The growth of the Palmyrene Empire is closely connected with the affluence of the Syrian oasis. Palmyra became dependent on Rome during the first century but was proclaimed a self-governing city under Hadrian15 (Graf, p. 150). During the second and the beginning of the third centuries, the influence of Palmyra in the desert was extensively appreciated16 (Graf, p.151). The representatives of the city provided safety in the wilderness via stations and police actions and, as faithful allies of Rome, aided the route of armies across the deserted desert. Trade routes were protected. Palmyra was needed by Rome. Talented and cunning people could provide immense service and obtain grand reward, though Palmyra was a well structured state with remote stations and fine communications17 (Edwell, p.36). This organization is what proved vital in the course of the Persian’s subsequent invasion, the most distressing of them all. The disgrace of Valerian was the disgrace of Rome, although it was at the same moment a great chance for Palmyra18 (Bowersock, p.125). Zenobia broke her sociable associations with Rome in 270 and moved forward into regions that were Roman-held in the east. The army of Zenobia led by Zadbas entered Egypt and conquered the defending military of 50,00019 (All Empires, p.1). In a campaign that was hard-fought, the Romans were beaten and the hold on Egypt by Zenobia was secured. It is also significant that Vorod was a recognized military head of Palmyra20 (Graf, p.153). In 262 he rendered his service as strategos for Palmyra, and there is a possibility that his colleague as strategos was Julius Aurelius Zenobios, Zenobia’s father21 (Graf, p.154). In the period of 267 and 271, the Palmyrene senate credited Vorod with a sculpture for his exceptional service in this ability. For the period of the revolution of Zenobia, there is a possibility that Vorod implemented his relations with Shapur and obtained military help from the Sasanian king22 (All Empires, p.1). Palmyra’s rise of fame corresponds with Roman power of Syria23 (Dodgeon & Lieu, p.69). Even though Zenobia had the support of a number of Bedouin tribes, Palmyra’s supremacy over the Roman East brought a number of worries and animosity amid the Tanukh tribal amalgamation in northern Arabia24 (Dodgeon & Lieu, p.70). According to Arab custom entailed in the chronicle of Tabari, Zenobia planned the devastation of Jadhima, the judging sheik of the Tanukh, finally splitting his wrists. Expressions of Palmyrene dominion under Zenobia took several forms25 (Graf, p.155). Political representation, acts of support, and currency as misinformation, all appealed to the neighboring and regional awareness. The fall of Palmyra The failure of Roman and the success of Palmyrene made Zenobia stronger26 (All Empires, p.1). She was raised by her army as the most famous and dutiful queen in August 271. She proclaimed his son Augustus (royal leader) and got rid of the image of the present Roman monarch from the coins of Alexandria in the same year. She hence affirmed herself Augusta (empress) as well as the designation Regina (queen). At the altitude of her supremacy, Zenobia held an important section of the eastern regions of the Roman kingdom27 (Gawlikowski, p.30). She had power over the cities of Antioch and Alexandria, which are two of the three famous cities in the Roman kingdom. She lived in grand majesty. She dined and was adored like a Persian king. Her dressing was extravagant Carthaginian purple and put on the gold and jewelry of the queen of Egypt28 (All Empires, p.1). She had greed for power which ultimately became her downfall. The Outcome Aurelian set out in his operation against Zenobia in 27229 (Dodgeon & Lieu, p.89). When he arrived in Asia Minor, the previous cities that were Roman-held of the rebelled in favor of Aurelian, Zenobia and her followers held onto Antioch,30 (All Empires, p.1). Aurelian caught prospect of the heavily reinforced Palmyrene horsemen, which were better than their Roman complement. He instructed his cavalry to set themselves independently, further than the infantry and avoid whichever direct meetings against the Palmyrenes. The tactic was successful, as the Palmyrene intense cavalry soon fatigued themselves in the high temperature and were outflanked and scared by the Roman cavalry who counterattacked them31(All Empires, p.1). Disappointed by the loss, Zenobia withdrew into Antioch. However, she was not ready to admit failure to the civilians of the town, for the fright of a riot32 (All Empires, p.1). She took a man who looked like the royal leader, disguised him in Aurelian’s gear, and presented him to the citizens of the city. But with Aurelian’s military at the back, Zenobia did not dare to gamble another fight33 (Potter, p.390). At night, she departed from Antioch toward the town of Emesa. At the plains in close proximity to Emesa, Zenobia made her second opportunity. The army of Zenobia boasted 70,000 men, with the Palmyrene intense cavalry at its center, backed up by infantry and allied units, against Aurelian’s diverse army of royally division, frontier multitudes, followers and axillaries34 (Bowersock, p.134). The fight opened with the Palmyrene cavalry assailing, driving back the cavalry of their rival. Conversely, as the Romans retreated, the Palmyrene broke status into persistent pursuit 35 (Matthews, p.165). The cavalry of Palmyrene became exhausted in their heavy protective covering. Tired and messy, the Palmyrenes were conquered by the infantry of the Romans. In the second loss, Zenobia was almost in a desperate situation. The town of Emesa was not principally devoted to her and was not a relable place for harbor. Her consultants recommended that she depart back to Palmyra, the town from which her kingdom was built36 (All Empires, p.1). Back in Palmyra, Zenobia prepared the military protection of the town, which was shortly under blockade by the Romans. The defense of the city was alarming. Devices and archers lined the walls that appeared indestructible against the Roman attack37 (Edwell, p.35). Worn out, a message was sent to the queen by Aurelian, giving her moderate terms to admit defeat. However, Zenobia did not comply with the terms due to her pride38 (All Empires, p.1). While the defenses of Palmyra were capable, the circumstance did not seem too bright. With the towns she primarily overpowered now faithful to the Romans, the Romans seemed to have a continuous supply chain to maintain the blockade while the supply of Palmyra reduced. Even if the town could survive the blockade, the territory had already fallen apart39 (Bowersock, p.136). A Roman general had been sent by Aurelian to reconquer Egypt. In a desperate act, Zenobia mounted on a camel, heading toward Euphrates in expectation of personally demanding help from her previous rival, the Persians. Unluckily, while she was trying to traverse the Euphrates, Zenobia was surpassed and captured. Zenobia was presented before Aurelian, who was a somehow disappointed, that in the coming years it would not redound to his tribute to have overpowered a woman40 (All Empires, p.1). But evidently, she was presently locked up. Zenobia was dispossessed of her great town of Palmyra, which had given up after her flight. At Emesa, Zenobia was brought to test where she vigorously defended herself, as if not everything had been lost41 (All Empires, p.1). But her pleading was in vain since she was not excused from the captivity. Apparently, there was nothing she could do that could bring back to her the territory that she built. In 274, Aurelian made a procession in Rome in an extraordinary victory for the reconquest of the entire lands lost to Palmyra and defeat of the Gallic territory rebels42 (Edwell, p.51). Representatives from every part of the world were in attendance to celebrate the victory, including Zenobia, who was processed via the streets as the triumph trophy of Aurelian43 (All Empires, p.1). Her feet had restraints of gold and her outfit inflated with numerous jewels that she could barely stand the heaviness to walk. Far from the procession, Palmyra laid in a lot of wreck, sacked by Roman military following a failed revolution to expel the Roman tenet that had been affirmed over the town following the capture of Zenobia44 (All Empire, p.1). A number of people state that Aurelian was moderate to Zenobia and offered her a domain on the Tiber where she lived for the rest of her life. Another scholar stated that Zenobia enjoyed approximately as much recognition as did Cleopatra, though without the end that was tragic45 (Potter, p.392). Conclusion In conclusion, Zenobia stands amongst the most creative, and at the slightest, was indeed the supreme woman who ever confronted Rome after she took over power after his husband’s death. Palmyra is outstanding in that it stood amid two territories that were powerful: Rome and Persia, and so far it rose to terrorize both. Even though the defeat of Zenobia was a fall that Palmyra never pulled through, the city would have never attained its reputation without Zenobia. Currently, the rule of Zenobia is still a celebrated event in history in the Middle East, not just in Syria, but as well as Byzantium and post-revival Europe. The regime of Palmyra was clearly in an effort for survival and was not ordered by constricted interests. References All Empires. 2006, Zenobia, Queen of the East. Retrieved from http://www.allempires.com/article/index.php?q=zenobia Bowersock, G. W. 1983.  'From Philip to Zenobia', in Roman Arabia, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass.: 123-37. Dodgeon, M.H. & Lieu, S.N. C. 1994. The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars AD 226-363, Routledge, London: 68-110 Edwell, P. 2008. Between Rome and Persia: The middle Euphrates, Mesopotamia and Palmyra under Roman Control, Routledge, London: 31-62 Gawlikowski, M. 1994. ‘Palmyra as a trading centre’ Iraq 56: 27-34. Graf, D. 1989. 'Zenobia and the Arabs', The Eastern Frontier of the Roman Empire, Pt. 1, British Archaeological Reports International Series 553 (i), Oxford: 143-67. Matthews, J. F. 1984. 'The Tax Law of Palmyra: Evidence for economic history in a city of the Roman East' Journal of Roman Studies 74: 157-80. Namakura, B. 1993. ‘Palmyra and the Roman East’, Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies. Vol 34(2): pp 133-150. Potter, D. S. 1990. Prophecy and History in the Crisis of the Roman Empire: A Historical Commentary on the Thirteenth Sibylline Oracle, Oxford: 386-94. Stoneman, R. 1994. ‘Revolt in the Desert’, in Palmyra and its Empire, Michigan University Press, Ann Arbor. Pp 155-197. Read More