Success Factors of the Tunisian Revolution - Case Study Example

Success Factors of the Tunisian Revolution The Tunisian revolution commonly known as the Jasmine revolution startedtowards the end of 2010. It came about during Ben Ali’s reign as the president. The major causes of the conflict were social and regional imbalance. In addition, increase of youth population commonly known as ‘youth bulge’ also played a significant role as a cause of the revolution. In 2010, approximately forty-two percent of Tunisia’s populace was aged below twenty-five years. The increased level of corruption, political repression, and poverty implied that the lives of the majority were not to improve regardless of the level of education. As a result, this led to many youths fighting for a similar course with the civil society factions, lawyers, trade unions, teachers, human right activists, leftists, opposition parties, and Islamists in order to bring to an end President Ali’s corrupt reign. Jointly, they participated in demonstrations. However, some opted for other opted for other means of revolting like the use of social media sites. The social sites played an important role in mobilizing people all over Tunisia. Afterwards, the revolution emerged successful with overthrow of Ben Ali (Rakner, Randall and Burnell 167). Numerous factors led to the present day success of the Tunisian revolution. First, the social media played a crucial to the success of the revolution. Various social media forms were used, notable examples being, twitter, face-book, and many more. They played a crucial role by spreading news about the suicide that influenced the revolution. It is approximated that eighteen percent of the young educated individuals within the country were on face-book. In addition, since almost half of the Tunisia’s have access to television for example Aljazeera. The social media served as a crucial platform where the citizens were to warn protesters of where snipers were placed. For this reason, there were fewer casualties. Clearly, the main purpose of the social media was to make transfer of information and communication possible. In the view of Rane, Ewart, and Martinkus social media main purpose was to facilitate transfer of information and communication. This consisted communicating among the protestors concerning the recruitment of communities, as well as offering guidance regarding non-violence tactics, advising protestors could go about the restrictions over the internet, and medical procedures in case of any eventualities. In addition, the social media offered the citizens of Tunisia a chance to act as journalists. It was by providing information regarding the revolution (in terms of latest videos and photos) and responses from the security forces (Martinkus, Ewart and Rane). Second, demonstrations also served as a success factor of the revolution. The presence of a larger population that was disadvantaged by corruption, poverty, and political repression greatly led to increased number of people who wanted to participate in the demonstrations. In addition, the social media played an important role of mobilizing people all over Tunisia. This was through dispelling the fear of security forces. The local unions strongly supported the mobilization process in various work places. Furthermore, they conducted more recruitment in other neighbouring towns of Tunisia. With the aim of creating unity, the social media was used in mobilizing citizens from various places. Afterwards, demonstrations sparked all over Tunisia. At some point confrontation with the security forces at point led to massive casualties due to gunshot wounds and other form of injuries. Eventualities of these nature was what influenced radicalization and national unity of both the male and female protestors. The female protestors equally participated in the protest. The demonstration against the poor leadership received strengthening from the social media. Whereby, protestors gained information regarding the points where security forces were placed all over Tunisia. Moreover, it provided protesters with necessary information on how to conduct perform medical procedures in cases of injuries (Martinkus, Ewart and Rane). The protest initially kicked off in the city known as Sidi Bouzidi. Even though it was located far from the Tunisian centre of power, it sparked immense response from the government’s forces. However, that did not demoralize the uprising, and soon it went viral to cities of Tunisia, a notable example being the city of Tunis. Afterwards, the outside world joined the revolution by televising posting viral videos and photos in their various blogs. It was not long before the whole country was fully in support of the revolution (Delany). Consequently, demonstration also played a critical role towards a successful revolution. Third, unity is vital for the successful implementation of a common interest. After the self-immortalization of a Tunisian national, the whole country expressed their interest to his case. Afterwards, there were further demonstrations to fight for vices like corruption, poverty, among many more. Regardless of the gender, all the Tunisian’s were determined to fight for a common course. For illustration, the representation of fighting for a common goal was represented in their posts over the social media. Some of these posts consisted of messages meant to mobilize the Tunisian nationals, give warning in cases of eminent attack from the security forces and offer medical advice in the event of attacks. Furthermore, due to the unity of the outside nations, they were also able to continue to pass the message for the need for change in Egypt. In the end, the international community became familiar with the happenings in Tunisia. As a result, most of them were in support of the revolution for example Egypt. They also felt the need for change. The existence of UGTT and labour union as revolution supporting parties united the Tunisians citizens into one undividable whole. Through the existence of such parties, the process of revolution was improved. The party leaders were able to mobilize all their members both at regional and national level to fight for a common course (Torsti and Sirén 241). Fourth, language plays a critical role to the capability of mobilizing groups. The faction feeling that came into existence in Tunisia is a representation of particular language and iconography of unity. The language of the faction against President Ben Ali’s regime subverted the linguistic limitations of his dictatorship. The language brought various people together regardless of their political stand. The revolutionary multitude asserted that union of both the rural and urban population against a common goal of political oppression, corruption and poverty. Jointly, the crowds expressed their similar sentiments in various places in Tunisia. Evidently, this happened following the events of Mid-January, when there was a mass gathering in Tunis. It brought together Tunisians from both the southern and central regardless of the politics of urban and rural divide by use of a general language and holding similar signs. For illustration, the demonstrators who attended the gathering in Tunis had banners possessing Che Guevara’s image, they were also reflecting names of their different regions. In addition, other protestors had Tunisia’s flag placed on their faces an indication of national unity. Consequently, the existence of a common language for all citizens of Tunisia regardless of their regions was very vital for the success of the revolution (Khalil: The Language of the Revolutionary Crowd). Fifth, in the view of Olimat, the success of Tunisia’s revolution entailed the smooth shift of power through the parliamentary election and the speedy but orderly formation of a new Government. The smooth transition of authority provided the continued development of Tunisia in all sectors of the economy. Even though things were not completely changed but it was better off than the previous administration. Sixth, there was a burning desire for change. All the nationals of Tunisia experienced the poor leadership of President Ali this was regardless of the region or political allegiance. The level of the unemployed youths was significantly on the rise while on the other had political oppression and corruption was taking effect. Motivated by the need for change citizens from both the employed and unemployed sector took to the streets demonstrating over poor leadership. On the other hand, a part of them was in the social media platforms mobilizing others from various regions (Rakner, Randall and Burnell). Consequently, the existence of a burning desire for change was one of the success factors for the revolution. Seven, the European Union were in support of Jasmine revolution. The relationship between Tunisia and European Union started more than four decades ago. This was after a business agreement involving the European Economic Organization and Tunisia. As time went by, their agreement underwent changes into offering financial, economic, security partnership and human, cultural, and social partnership (EU-Tunisia Relations State of Play and Next Steps: Background). When the revolution process started the European Union responded promptly to support Tunisia. The support offered were in line with the agreement that Tunisia and the European union signed in support of partnership. First, they afforded political support meant for the transitioning of Tunisia. This was evident by the numerous vists by high-ranking European union officials. For illustration, they consisted of the Vice President of the Commision and the Commision’s envoy for security not forgetting the President of the European parliament. Almost all the European Union facilities have been hastily rallied up to aid in new challenges that are likely to face the country. A notable example of help within thissector was the provision of technical support during the election period and also giving direct support to the civil societies. Furthermore, soon after the revolution the European Union raised the amount of financial support for the duration ofbilateral support to fourn hundred million pounds from two hundred and forty pounds. Furthermore, the European union doubled the amount of money meant for financial to a hundred and sixty million pounds. The key aim was to aid in the recovery of the economy, democratic transition, and civil associations. Noticeably, the support of the European Union contributed to the success factor of the revolution (EU-Tunisia Relations State of Play and Next Steps: EU support to the Tunisian revolution). Finally, the military support of the revolution was also a success factor for the revolution. The support is clearly revealed by the opinion and promise of the Chief of Tunisa Army regarding the revolution. The military general affirmed his support to Jasmine revolution awaiting the new election. He also confirmed that he will offer protection to the civilian dmostrators against possible murder, brutality, and harassment by the police officers. A notable example was when the police officers were dispersing demostrators by the use of water gun. However, the army intruded with the intention of protecting the demonstrators as well as control the officers. In addition, the army also aided in controlling lotters and the former members of Benali’s security services. The change of the military role into protecting the civilians from harassment from the police officers resulted to Ben Ali escape from the country. Consequently, this served as a success factor in the Jasmine Revolution (Kirkpatrick). In conclusion, Tunisian revolution started in 2010. The start was due to the act of a Tunisian self-immortalization. Consequently, this led to mobilization of people by various activists that resulted to protest all over Tunisia. The key grievance of the protestors was to oust President Ali out of office because of increased corruption levels, political repression, and poverty. Afterwards, the revolution became a success. However, there are numerous success factors behind the Tunisian revolution. First, there was the use of social media for purposes of mobilizing, passing information to the protestors in case of plans to attack them, and providing medical procedures in the event of injuries. Second, there was the existence of demonstration all over Tunisia. Third, the Tunisian’s were united for a common course. Regardless of gender or political party affiliation, the Tunisians had a similar interest at heart. Fourth, language plays a critical role to the capability of mobilizing groups. The faction feeling that came into existence in Tunisia is a representation of particular language and iconography of unity. The language of the faction against President Ben Ali’s regime subverted the linguistic limitations of his dictatorship. Fifth, there was a smooth transition of power. Sixth, there was availability of burning desire for change among the Tunisian nationals. Seventh, the European Union offered Tunisia with financial as well as political support to aid them in the transitioning process. Finally, there was the support of the Tunisian Army. Through their chief, they promised to protect the civilians from the police brutality. Moreover, support the revolution until the new government comes into power. Work Cited Delany, Colin. "How Social Media Accelerated Tunisias Revolution: An Inside View." February 2014. Huffington Post. Wednesday December 2014 . "EU-Tunisia Relations State of Play and Next Steps." September 2011. European Commission. Wednesday December 2014 . Khalil, Andea. "The Language of the Political Crowd in Tunisia." December 2002. African Futures. Wednesday December 2014 . Kirkpatrick, David D. "Chief of Tunisian Army Pledges His Support for ‘the Revolution’." January 2011. New York Times . Wednesday December 2014 . Martinkus, John, Jacqui Ewart and Halim Rane. "Media Framing of Muslim World." Martinkus, John, Jacqui Ewart and Halim Rane. Media Framing of the Muslim World. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. 120. Rakner, Lise, Vicky Randall and Peter Burnell. "Social Movement and Alternative Politics ." Rakner, Lise, Vicky Randall and Peter Burnell. Politics in the Developing World 4e. Oxford University Press , 2014. 167-169. Torsti, Sir N and Torsti Sirén. "Jasmine Revolution and Arab Spring in 2011 and 2012." Torsti, Sir N and Torsti Sirén. Winning Wars Before They Emerge. Universal-Publishers, 2013. 241. Read More