China is the New Neo-imperialist Power in Africa - Essay Example

History and Political Science CHINA IS THE NEW NEO-IMPERIALIST POWER IN AFRICA of Submission Date: CHINA IS THE NEW NEO-IMPERIALIST POWER IN AFRICA Introduction In most African countries, independence and an end to colonial rule did not result in their gaining of complete control over economic, or even political affairs. Although considered as sovereign states, African countries continue to remain “under the economic and political control of their former rulers and the rich industrialized nations who direct the economic fortunes of the world ” (Boateng 1978, p.77). This kind of indirect, hidden command exerted on developing nations by the more advanced and powerful nations is termed as neocolonialism. It is the last stage of imperialism; and is defined as “control of the economic and development destiny by a former colonial area such as Africa by outside powers after independence” (Falola 2009, p.57). Neocolonialism is illustrated by the British giving independence to Nigeria while at the same time maintaining control over the country’s political, social and economic spheres. Europe and the United States had colonized Africa and continued to exert neocolonialism over the continent even after acceding it independence in the early 1960s. However, they have mostly seen Africa as a recipient of financial aid, and a region lacking economic development because of high levels of corruption and divisive rule by the African leaders. On the other hand, China with its drive for development and for achieving prosperity has been eager to invest in Africa with its rich natural resources. “China’s phenomenal economic growth has seen the country rise to world leadership status” (Muekalia 2004, p.5). The country’s distinctive position in the community of nations enables it to span the developing world as well as the developed nations as a part of the United Nations Security Council. Over the last six decades, China has changed its foreign policy from confrontational measures to cooperation, economic development and international engagement. Capitalizing on its linkage with the developing world, China has strengthened its relations with Africa through trade and cooperation. Muekalia (2004, p.5) argues that China sees Africa as a partner in fulfilling its strategic goals of energy, trade and geopolitical interests. However, African leaders eager to initiate and benefit from their country’s developmental projects, accorded China control over their own countries’ politics and economic sectors. As a result, and also based on Chinese self-interests, China is found to be the new neo-imperialist power in Africa. Thesis Statement: The purpose of this paper is to discuss China’s role as the new neo-imperialist power in Africa. China as the New Neo-Imperialist Power in Africa At the core of neocolonialism is the fact that an independent continent such as Africa with all the outward trappings of international sovereignty, in reality has an economic system and political policy directed from outside. Africa needs to strengthen the economy of its countries and eliminate neocolonialism. On the other hand, the technological and economic inequalities between Africa and the rich industrialized nations are so great that it would be impossible to accomplish the material advances required without the assistance and cooperation of these advanced nations. Significantly, few countries offer such help without ensuring the advancement of their own interests in some way (Boateng 1978). Edoho (2011) investigated China-Africa relations by contextualizing China’s economic activities in Africa and determining the outcomes of the evolving relations for economic development in the region. China-Africa relations are found to be the consequence of the marginalization of Africa in the age of globalization. After the cold war ended, western disengagement from Africa created a vacuum which China is in the process of filling. Africa is embracing China because of the former’s experiences of the outcomes of its colonial experience, as well as the realities of its postcolonial dependent relationships with the West. According to Edoho (2011, p.103), “China-Africa relations embody opportunities and threats”. Hence, it is important that Africa employs the newly created concept of cooperation to maximize benefits and to minimize threats. Africa’s plans for economic progress and need for development may oppose those of China; however, Africa must determine and implement appropriate methods to utilize its growing relationship with China, to successfully work to its own advantage. China is an ambitious developing power looking for markets and influence. It found the perfect match in Africa with its rich resources and few investors; but a weak economy with poverty and rampant corruption by those in power. Michel (2008, p.39) states that “the story of China’s quick and spectacular conquest of Africa has captured the imagination of Europeans and Americans” who had considered the continent more as a recipient of charity than an opportunity for investment. From the year 2000 to 2007, trade between China and Africa increased from $10 billion to $70 billion. Thus, China surpassed Britain and France, and became the second largest trading partner with Africa after the United States, overtaking the latter by the year 2010. Between 2008 and 2011, the Export-Import Bank of China, the Chinese government’s main source of foreign investment funds spent $20 billion in Africa, which is approximately the same as the amount the entire World Bank spent there in the same period. The partnership has appeared to be beneficial for both the Chinese and the Africans. While China gained access to the oil, copper, uranium, cobalt, and wood to fuel its booming industrial revolution in its homeland, Africa finally saw “the completion of the roads, schools, and other keys to development that it desperately needs” (Michel 2008, p.39). Most analysts predict increasing progress on the same lines, in the future. China has the opportunity to transform the Africa extensively through assuming a leadership position in the continent. It has the basic but reliable technology, capability to move thousands of workers to building sites anywhere, and vast foreign-cash reserves. China’s credibility for the task is reinforced by its own background of creating a true economic miracle in its homeland; hence more than any other country, it should be able to achieve successful development where the rest of the world has failed. However, the ostensible beneficial effects and influence of China in Africa are found to be untrue. The former is beginning to encounter the same impediments the West had confronted in Africa for several years. These include the continent’s financial and political corruption, political instability, lack of interest, resistance from the local population, and a difficult climate. Hence, many of the profitable contracts signed by the Chinese throughout Africa have been cancelled. For example, cheap sneakers sent into Africa by the Chinese by the shipload “are infuriating the local manufacturers and storeowners they undercut” (Michel 2008, p.39). The Chinese’s lenient approach to workers’ rights is causing opposition. Moreover, China is unlike its Western counterparts in attempting to function in a region that has a greater prevalence of democracy compared to its own country. Africa has experienced more poverty than profits, consequently China may be just another investor facing the same problems, inefficiencies and frustrations that every other global power has faced in Africa. If this is true, for Africa the Chinese ‘miracle’ many be only another lost opportunity. The Western powers are particularly interested in China’s growing expansion into African oil markets. Significantly, although oil is a major and obvious source of Chinese interest in Africa, it is not the only one. Other natural resources of Africa which are of interest to China include copper, bauxite, uranium, aluminium, manganese and iron ore. Further, Chinese textiles and clothing companies are investing extensively in Africa, while there is increasing political engagement of China with the continent. However, the Western capitals are the most concerned with China’s oil quest. Taylor (2006) argues that Chinese oil diplomacy in Africa has two main objectives. These include the short term goal of securing oil supplies to feed the growing demand in China, and the long term goal of positioning China as a global player in the international oil market. The strategy used by Beijing in oil diplomacy is to intensively pursue the above goals while simultaneously playing on African leaders’ historic suspicion of western intentions. From the late 1950s-early 1960s, China had believed in Africa’s significance as a diplomatically important continent. From 1989, China’s renewed interest in Africa was concurrent with the rise in Western interest in promoting liberal democracy and human rights. With the end of the Cold War, the ‘third wave of democracy’ swept across Africa, irregularly supported by the developed world (Bratton & Van de Walle 1997). This threatened the established position of incumbent presidents across Africa. Significantly, both Chinese and African elites are inclined to adopt the position of experiencing and continuing to face the common enemies of imperialism and neo-imperialism. Amongst most African leaders this self-image is expressed in a high level of suspicion of criticism of their regimes based on the western norms of human rights and liberal democracy. This viewpoint comes into play whenever their domestic governance is criticized. According to Taylor (2006), China takes advantage of this suspicion, emphasizing human rights such as economic rights and rights of subsistence to be the main priority of developing nations including Africa, and that these are more important as compared to personal, individual rights as conceptualized in the West. Most African leaders share these views expressed by China, thus strengthening their mutual cooperation. Taylor (2006) cautions that on the other hand, the current approach adopted by Beijing is one of legitimizing human rights abuses and undemocratic practices in Africa, disguised as complying with state sovereignty and non-interference. This is reiterated by Alden (2007) who states that the Chinese-African cooperation remains constricted by the asymmetric nature of their association and Africa’s shift in approach towards issues pertaining to humanitarian intervention. As compared to 550,000 Chinese nationals in Africa, there are 100,000 French citizens and 70,000 Americans. Most African governments welcome China’s interest in the continent; and African leaders have handed over the governmental responsibilities of public office to China, attempting to gain profits from development projects related to housing, hospitals, schools, highways, dams, etc. Michel (2008) argues that massive projects bring to the forefront the competing interests of Chinese-African cooperation. For example, the dam built at Imboulou in Congo is officially a great success, doubling national electricity production by 2009. Earlier, the World Bank had not financed the project deeming Africa as being too far in debt to repay the expenditure. However, China dedicated $280 million in 2002 for the purpose, which Congo plans to repay in oil. In Angola, which is considered as China’s most spectacular success in Africa, China’s commitment is being questioned. Due to a lack of donors from Western countries which cited a lack of transparency and corruption causing the “disappearance of billions of dollars in oil revenues” as the reasons, Angola turned to China. Although China may be “a willing partner to many of the regimes and countries the rest of the world will not touch” (Michel 2008, p.42), Africa is not always satisfied with the former. Luanda’s progress due to earlier help from the Chinese has strengthened its economy to the extent that it now avoids getting trapped in a relationship with China which is seen as voracious and demanding. Consequently, some oil projects are awarded to American and French firms. Like Angola, Nigeria has cancelled oil agreements with China, and Guinea called off financial aid from China for a bauxite mine, aluminium refinery and a hydroelectric dam. Sometimes, African rulers have made spectacular announcements about Chinese contracts for the purpose of frightening Western partners into offering better terms. The African country of Zambia has the most intense anti-Chinese sentiments. China is being increasingly criticized by local populations in developing countries, particularly in Africa for its economic policies and political principles supporting brutal dictatorships. Further, they are found to benefit Chinese businesses and the country’s workers imported to Africa, with no advantages for the local citizens. Although Africans appreciate China’s contribution of hospitals, schools, roads, and other infrastructure projects to their developing country, they are unhappy about “poor treatment of local labour, disregard for environmental degradation that often results from Chinese investments and the shoddy construction by Chinese firms” (Mitchell 2008, p.121). Moreover, competition from low-quality Chinese imports harms local industries. Chinese neocolonialism as well as thirst for natural resources is predicted to reduce Africa over time to an economy based on resource extraction. The healthier and more sustainable development of manufacturing and light industry has to be achieved for Africa to experience economic progress. Further, “China’s yuan peg to the U.S. dollar has been cited by some Southeast Asian observers as undermining the competitiveness of developing country exports” (Mitchell 2008, p.121). Africa’s need for development and democracy and China’s need for resources and wealth have created tensions; however, oil is the one sector where the interests of both regions synchronize together. Chinese investment is maximum in Africa’s oil producing countries. More than the African oil that China buys at market price making up 20 percent of its imports, the oil that the latter produces in the continent is more important. Because of Chinese companies lacking expertise in deep offshore oil production, the “only real success that the Chinese have had with oil in Africa has come in Sudan” (Michel 2008, p.45) which was deserted by international companies in the 1980s because of civil war and United States sanctions. With China’s help, Sudan has been able to export oil, and has consequently experienced a great economic boom. There is renewed interest in the development and exploitation of Africa’s resources by old and new global economic powers. Current debates on Africa’s geography and development find that the continent’s history forms the basis for the resource-based, extractive economies which attempt to invest in African countries. Carmody (2011) assesses the geo-economics and political strategies of these powers, and the impacts of resource exploitation in Africa. Partly in response to Chinese resource competition, the United States is radically increasing its investment and presence in Africa. Britain and France, the two main former colonial powers in Africa, as well as Japan also have resource interests in Africa, and the recent aid-related humanitarian scramble for Africa was motivated by geopolitical and economic reasons. Economic dependence leads to political dependence, which in turn results in knowledge dependence on more advanced countries. For example, the Nigerian rulers who have taken upon themselves the responsibility of governing the country depend on foreign nations and organisations for providing recognition and recommendation to Nigerian academic fields such as science and culture. Hence, knowledge development in the country which is not supported by foreign authorities is considered invalid. This is supported by Salami (2009) who adds that from knowledge development arises economic empowerment, and consequent political and social progress. Conclusion This paper has highlighted China’s role as the new neo-imperialist power in Africa. Following colonization and neo-colonization, Western interest in Africa declined due to its internal conflicts and low level of economic development despite financial aid. China with its own developmental agenda, established its presence in African countries for the latter’s rich oil resources, minerals and raw materials. China also took control of African economy and politics, thus becoming the new neo-imperialist power in Africa. In recent times, however, there is a renewed interest in Africa by Europe, The United States, Japan and other countries worldwide. The evidence indicates that Chinese foreign policy in Africa is similar to that of other countries. Carmody (2011) reiterates that China’s intentions are self-serving, and for economic and strategic considerations. It is acknowledged that China has a right to pursue energy resources through market strategies, and Chinese expansion into Africa is a natural progression of China’s reaching out globally, and its pursuit of capitalism. These policies have been promoted by Western countries also, though they criticize China for practising the same in Africa. Africa is rich in natural resources which should be utilized appropriately to improve the nation’s economy, while eliminating corruption by those in power and inter-group conflicts. To achieve increasing economic progress and prosperity, it is crucial for African countries to discontinue their dependence on financial and technological aid from other countries who aim to fulfill their own interests from the recipient nation. African countries need to “strengthen and broaden their own economic base and improve their own institutional arrangements” emphasizes Boateng (1978, p.79), for the attainment of an increasing degree of economic and political self-sufficiency. Significantly, Africa’s economic and consequent political dependence causes its knowledge dependence on developed countries. Therefore, Africa should focus intensively on developing world-class academic and research institutions for improved knowledge production, to free its economy from neocolonial dependence. ----------------------------------- Bibliography Alden, C 2007, China in Africa, Zed Books, London. Boateng, EA 1978, A political geography of Africa, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, England. Bratton, M & Van de Walle 1997, Democratic experiments in Africa: Regime transition in comparative perspective, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Carmody, P 2011, The new scramble for Africa, Polity Press, London. Edoho, FM 2011, ‘Globalization and marginalization of Africa: Contextualization of China-Africa relations’, Africa Today, vol.58, no.1, pp.103-124. Falola, T 2009, Colonialism and violence in Nigeria, Indiana University Press, The United States of America. Michel, S 2008, ‘When China met Africa’, Foreign Policy, no.166, pp.38-46. 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