Secularization and Fundamentalist Reactions - Essay Example

Dylan Hess Politics and Power Taylor Secularization and Fundamentalist Reactions George Bond’s article “The Sarvodaya Movement’s Vision of Peace and Dharmic Civic Society,” Danilyn Rutherford’s “Nationalism and Millenarianism in West Papua: Institutional Power, Interpretive Practice, and the Pursuit of Christian Truth” provide fascinating paradigm that one can explore secularization and fundamentalist reactions. In this paper, I will discuss secularization and fundamentalist reactions by reviewing Bond and Rutherford’s articles. In addition, I will illuminate the two cases using Weber’s analysis of power in “Class Status and Society”. Lastly, the paper intends to examine social movements as examined by Tilly & Tarrow. While Bond and Rutherford view secular religion as an indicator of collective uprising, Weber, on the other hand, views power as directly correlated with social status and class. Religion, according to Weber, is another facet of society’s class segmentation (p. 112). The Sri Lankan Sarvodaya Shramadana movement is an economic development program that redefines values of Buddhism, Ghandian ideals, and Ecumenical spirituality to formulate a coherent, progressive force to represent the interests of the poor in Sri Lanka. A.T. Ariyaratne, a high school teacher at the Buddhist School of Nalanda College in Colombo, founded Shramadana movement in 1958. The movement’s original intention was to broaden the student’s experience and understanding of the state of affairs in rural and poor urban areas in Sri Lanka. The term “Sarvodaya” means “the awakening of all”. “Shramadana” refers to the act of giving Sarvodaya movement encouraged social change by merging spirituality and communal force. The philosophy premises on the belief that exceptional deed’s rewards come in the form of altruistic karma for future purposes and the calm of peace and mind (Bond, 168). The Sarvodaya Shramadana movement has progressed overtime to one of the most influential Non Governmental Organizations in Sri Lanka. Perhaps the campaign’s success stems from its practical strategies of development and its association with the masses. In 1972, Sri Lankan parliament passed an act that made Sarvodaya Shramadana a national movement. Ideologically, the movement rejected both capitalism and communism. Instead, the movement sought a middle ground to socioeconomic development projects. The focus of Sarvodaya Shramadana’s doctrine was an emphasis on development of harmony among different ethnic groups, revitalization of Sri Lankan culture, preservation of bio-diversity, community economics, and self-reliant organic farming with the village at the center (Bond, 196). Sarvodaya Shramadana visions derive from Ghandi’s theory of non-violence, which borrows from Budha Dharma’s teachings. The movement’s four pillars of joy, loving kindness, equanimity, and compassion are essential to rural life in Sri Lanka (Bond, 169). Sarvodaya’s principles shun desire, sensation of suffering as well as compassion. However, Sarvodayans argue that Buddhism and socio-economic development work together. While critical of the welfare state, the movement is supportive of success of the people. Sarvodaya Shramadana movement emphasizes people’s strive towards emancipation from economic hardship and individual limitation. The first step towards social economic development is increasing access to work to increase individual earning power. The second liberation aims for freedom of individuals from personal limitations by encouraging community activities (Bond, 170). Sarvodaya Shramadana’s principles illuminate the process of secularization and fundamental reactions by evoking religious beliefs to form a socio-economic group with a sole purpose of uplifting the masses. Sarvodaya’s action elevates religion to a revolutionary role. German protestant missionaries introduced Christianity to West Papua in 1855. Colonial occupation of Papua consolidated Christianity the country after a series of trials and error. For purposes of the whole country, and to avoid interference with each other, the missionaries in West Papua split the country into Catholic and Protestant zones of influence. During the Dutch colonial regime, Papua was a monolithic Christian country. At this time, Christianity became influential in the development of nationalism in Papua. Papuan Christian nationalism especially in West Papua deterred Indonesia’s attempt to annex the country. Accordingly, religion took a center stage in the struggle for west Papuan between the Netherlands and Islamic Indonesia. Like in the Sri Lankan movement, fundamental religious beliefs aided the creation of a powerful independence movement in west Papua. The struggle for independence in West Papua was catalyzed by a strong belief in religion. The West Papuan religion incorporates aspects of Christianity and traditional religions. Koreri movement, practiced by local Biak people was perhaps the most renowned. Koreri prophets predicted the return of the Lord of Mangudi who was to free his people from oppression. According to the Koreri people, the morning sun brought supernatural powers that defied the need for a violent revolution. Religion was pivotal in ensuring the success of the revolution in West Papua (Rutherford, 153). For example, former plantation leader called Angganeta Menufandu led the movement of 1939 while arguing for the return of traditions like old dances, while incorporating western organizational models such as Christianity, the bible, cities and written work (Rutherford, 151). According to Rutherford, Christian religion (Protestants and Catholics) have given life to the separatist movement in west Papua. West Papuans have turned Christian lamentations into a separatist weapon by reinforcing the church’s authority over the people and a symbol of identity separate from that of the larger Indonesian society. Ironically, the Indonesian authorities have encouraged the movement by promoting Christianity through funding of churches and schools. The Papuan case offers a unique perspective in the understanding of power since power. In this case, power comes from the people’s belief in the institution of church and not the state (Rutherford, 160). Symbiotic transfer of power from the state to culture in the form of religion perhaps best describes the Papuan case. In both the Sri Lankan Sarvodaya Shramadana movement and the west Papuan separatist movement, religion has played a critical role in determining people’s fate. Unlike in most cases, religion provides a platform upon which the people in the two cases realize identity, democracy, and empowerment. These two cases correspond with Max Webers article “Class, Status, Party” argument on power. In the article, Weber explains how the properties of class, status, groups, and identities affect the structure of societies. In the article, the human desire for social power and the achievement of social power gives reasons for social conflicts (Weber, 103). In Weber’s view, acquisition of social power is equal to the acquisition of honor. Based on the nature of society, economics becomes a catalyst in acquiring power but not the owner of power (Weber, 111). In Weber’s article, status plays a pivotal role that is comparable to the fundamentalist and secularist groups (p.116). In both cases, societal desire for power and honor is arguably the biggest drive for separation or rebellion. Sri Lanka’s Sarvodaya Shramadana movement is an instrument for economic development program. The movement redefines values of Buddhism, Ghandian ideals, and ecumenical spirituality to formulate a coherent and progressive force to represent the interests of the poor in Sri Lanka. Compared to Weber’s article, the movement aims to empower the common people of Sri Lanka to gain class, form a status and eventually for a party- party of the masses. The Sri Lankan movement realizes the importance of economic empowerment in the acquisition of power, and that is the reason they seek to improve individual wellbeing of the people. The West Papua nationalist movement is perhaps an example of a class struggle between the upper class and the lower class over power. However, in this case, religion becomes the lower class tool to fight recognition instead of communist revolution. Like the lower class, the Papuans have limited capital, and hustle to have control of their own environment that is affected by the upper class (Indonesia and the Dutch). The Papuan case conforms to Weber’s believes. Weber argues that an individual has control over situations. Since the Papuans have taken control of the situation by using religion and a strong cultural identity, they have confirmed Weber’s argument of individual responsibility. Charles Tilly & Sidney Tarrow ‘s book “Contentious Politics” give a comprehensive analysis on social movements, religious and ethnic conflict as well as nationalism and civil rights activism. According to Tilly & Tarrow, protests, collective action are just some of the many forms of contentious politics. Contentious politics refers to politics that involve the interaction between challengers, opponents, interested parties and includes collective action (p. 69). In the view of Tilly & Tarrow, social movement is a “sustained campaign of claim making, using repeated performances that advertise the claim, based on organizations, networks, traditions, and solidarities that sustain these activities” (p. 111). From this definition, the Sri Lankan Sarvodaya Shramadana movement and the west Papuan separatist movement qualify as examples of social movements. If we use Tilly &Tarrow’s analysis, the West Papua movement meets the threshold. First, movement is a nationalist separatist struggle that has elapsed decades. Overtime, the movement has sustained itself by changing strategies from militancy to passive resistance of the church. Second, the west Papua movement depicts the need for the co-existence of the institutions like the church and political system, to act as the watchdog and fight for civil rights. In Papua, the church wields immense power and influence thus playing the role of a sustainer and a symbol of the west Papua movement (Bond, 2005). In a social movement, actors make intensive public representation of their worthiness, unity, goals, numbers, and commitment for the society (Tilly &Tarrow, p. 119, 2007). The Sri Lankan Sarvodaya Shramadana movement is renowned for its emphasis on individual empowerment through religious principles of budhism, ghandism, and collectivism. In the Sri Lankan case, members of the society collect themselves for the sole purpose of creating a voice that generates from spiritual identity for the sake of the general wellbeing of the society. The Sarvodaya Shramadana movement becomes a platform for public self-representation, community empowerment, and organ for spiritual nourishment. In chapter 6, Tilly & Tarrow argue that social movements are beneficial for watching the functions of the government. Social movements also raise their voices against the abuse of the people’s rights. Social movements are in the frontline infighting against evils such as inclusion of children in fights against nations. The recruitment of children to fight in wars experienced in countries such as Congo, Sierra Leone, and Sudan, with adverse effects on the involved children and the community at large. There has been the existence of social movements in different regimes continue to fight against oppression and advocate for the respect of the basic human rights (Tilly & Tarrow, 2006). In the United States, the Civil Rights movement was successful in making it possible for the passing of civil rights bill in 1966 that ensured equality amongst all races in America. While some social movements have been successful in ensuring policy changes, others have not. Social movements do not end with policy changes alone. In Sri Lanka, the Sarvodaya Shramadana movement was successful in ensuring the government of Sri Lanka enacted legislation that made the movement a national movement for fighting poverty and for implementing government projects in rural Sri Lanka. Even with Sri Lankan authority’s coercion with the Sarvodaya Shramadana movement, the movement has still been progressive and active. Tilly & Tarrow disagrees with an optimistic view of political movements. According to them, political movement’s successes mostly depend on the political context and that most movements often succeed in the short run but fail overtime. It is a matter of time to deduce if the cases in Sri Lanka and West Guinea join this bandwagon. In chapter 3, Tilly & Tarrow ask if movements are twins with democratizing politics or other regimes (p. 133). In many cases, democracies provide room for people to express themselves without the fear of victimization or imprisonment. In democracies, movements come out as an outcry of an oppressed group or the voice of the people. In authoritarian regimes, movements start as people organize themselves to challenge the rigidness of the central government. In Indonesia, they tyrannical rule of Suharto created a room for nationalist uprisings across the country. The west Papuans made use of Indonesian undemocratic environment to agitate for independence (Danilyn, 147).The success of the American civil rights in a democracy and the success of the West Papuan nationalist struggle in an authoritarian regime raises a paradox on whether movements can survive in democracies or non-democracies. According to Tilly & Tarrow, “regimes and their institutions grow up together and accommodate each other” (p. 55). In less industrious societies, kinship, tribal or regional regimes ensure that they collect resources and manage power. In industrial societies, regimes take the order of trade unions, class unions, or religious affiliations. Identity and belonging is an instrumental factor in determining national politics. Identity can take several facets depending on the society’s structure. In West Papua, identity accrues from religion and a long history of colonization from foreigners. The Papuans found a sense of unity through shared experiences, oppression from the dominant Muslim Indonesia and a long history of underdevelopment. In Sri Lanka, the political identity forms out of religion, social status and the ineffectiveness of the government to fulfill its obligation. The lust lure role of government created a room for the Sarvodaya Shramadana movement to succeed. While putting the argument of identity, one ought not to underscore the role of religion and a desire to shape own identity as argued by Weber as an impetus for power acquisition. Weber‘s argument that economic interests define the society’s actions and power structure is a convincing explanation for the case of Sri Lanka and West Papua. In both cases, the movements have divided the country into smaller units making the central government dysfunctional and powerless (Weber, 2004 pp.12). In addition, the poor people form a class of their own in order to fight the ruling minority because according to Weber, most struggles result from the poor struggling against the rich and governance. Sri Lankan Sarvodaya Shramadana movement and the west Papuan separatist movement demonstrate how power, identity, and social class are influential in the effectiveness of institutions of power. Weber’s article of “Class, Status, party” serves to illustrate that an individual’s situation will affect social status, which affect lifestyle. Lifestyle also has an impact on ideas, convictions, and culture. People’s political views are shaped by these occurrences, and they have a phenomenal influence on the development of institutions. The struggle for power is enhanced by a powerful overtone of economic wellbeing. This struggle is partly what creates and environment for social movements as discussed by Tilly & Tarrow.  Works Cited Bond, George. Buddhism at work: community development, social empowerment and the Sarvodaya Movement. N.p.: Kumarian Press, 2004. Print. Rutherford, Danilyn. “Nationalism and Millenarianism in West Papua: Institutional Power, Interpretive Practice, and the Pursuit of Christian Truth.” American Book Publishing Record 2.No.2 (2005): n. pag. Print. Tilly, Charles, and Sidney Tarrow. Contentious Politics. New York: Paradigm Publishers, 2007. Print. Weber, Max. “Class, Status, Party.” Max Webster (1864-1920): n. pag. Print. Read More