The Range of Mosaics Used in Romano-British Culture - Coursework Example

 The Range of Iconography used on Romano-British villas during the 4th century A.D. Introduction: Pax Romana in Britain. The Roman Empire was the last of several major civilizations to emerge in the Mediterranean in the First Millennium B.C. Founded in 753 B.C., what was to become the Roman Republican Empire, laid the foundations for forthcoming republican polities. Ancient Egyptians, Etruscans, Greeks, Syrians, Carthaginians and Phoenicians had contact with the Romans, and eventually were incorporated into the Empire as it conquered Asia Minor, Cyrenaica, Europe, and North Africa (Maddison, 2007). Influences from all of these cultures can be found in the iconography of Roman buildings throughout their territories and it is clear that Graeco-Roman mythological figures along with Mediterranean images of the sea are very common. The historical record is far from complete but so far as we can tell, the wonderfully preserved examples at Pompeii appear to be typical, and this style can be seen even in settings very far from the heartland of the Mediterranean conquerors. These two themes are so frequent as to be considered the “norm” and scholars have been able to nuance their interpretations of such motifs in different setting by looking at the quality of production and the surrounding geometric patterns and flourishes which usually accompany the main pictorial representations in floors,wall and even ceiling paintings. The work of Smith (1984), in particular, has contributed much to our understanding of different local styles in Britian, particularly with reference to the geometric patterns and frames that were used in different regions, and probably practiced by individual craftsmen or groups of craftsmen. Before the Romans advanced far to the West and North, much of the territory was occupied by the so called Barbarians. Their civilizations comprised of mostly tribal inhabitants, who had no written language, no cities, and no formal system of justice (i.e. governance, property rights, and taxation). They had a very vivid mythology of their own, and complex social structures including religions, rulers, keepers of history and poetry but these traditions were handed down orally, and very little has survived down the ages. Romanization of the British mainland is credited with the transmission of formal law, literacy, political development, urbanization and economics as we would understand these terms. Until 27 B.C., Rome was a constitutional republic run by a propertied oligarchy while Britain was a loosely structured patchwork of small tribes and territories who had no hierarchical organization and a lot of local skirmishing. Governance of Rome was divided amongst the magistrates (two counsels, praetors and the censors). Elites occupied the three hundred senatorial seats, which expanded to six hundred under Sulla, and were electoral officers for life. Senate advisement was directed at magistrate oversight of matters of domestic and foreign policy, justice, finance, and religion and toward determination of war, peace and nomination of military commanders. Government was also concerned with urban infrastructure which resulted in well planned built environments for central administration, and intricate bridge and transport conduits, and aquifer viaduct systems. These patterns were replicated step by step, as far as materials and local skills would allow, across the empire, but of course adherence to the Roman master plans grew weaker and weaker as the distance in time and location from the Roman centre of power increased. Military advancement of Rome’s imperialist motives was common, and Caesar extended Roman citizenship to the inhabitants of Cisalpine Gaul and then Britain by 43A.D. (Maddison, 2007). A half century after the reign of Julius Caesar Augustus 37B.C.–14A.D., Rome was at its apex in terms of economy, population and urbanization. Villa construction was at its peak, and urban development extended to domestic efforts by citizenry and private landowners. Britain in this period represented the farthest outpost of Roman colonization and a program of Roman building in the southern half of the main island began, largely initiated by former military personnel who chose to cash in their accrued rewards and retire in the northern province. These early settlers set the standard for the locals to follow. The Romano-British culture of the fourth century. At the end of the third century, Emperor Diocletian who ruled from 284-305 A.D. made major changes to the imperial system toward integration of military interests. In an effort to stem inflation and drive Christians out of Rome, his proclamation as Dominus et Deus beyond Principate was later reconfigured in nomination of a Tetriarchy over the ‘four corners’ of empire. Record of this event is depicted in statuary and other artifacts. Followed by the leadership of Maximilian, the Tetriarch formation of government dissolved after this period. Constantine’s Byzantine Christian leadership 306A.D. – 337A.D. marked the final epoch of power within Roman rule, and the relocation of the capital to Constantinople, or what is known today as Istanbul. This event added a further layer of iconography to an already extensive Roman repertoire, namely Christian themes based on the Bible and many apocryphal texts from various sources. In 391A.D., Emperor Theodosius banned paganism and Christianity became the sole religion of the Roman Empire. By this stage in the colonization of Britain, many Roman citizens had intermarried with the local population, and many of the wealthier provincial natives had begun to imitate Roman fashions. The instigation of property development by Romans accompanied rapid population increase, and much effort was put into what is perhaps the first ‘lifestyle’ culture of the West. Land was allotted, tributes were raised and for the first time in Britain a common currency greatly enhanced the evolution of international trade. Wealth brought a new demand for villa construction and the Roman coins were a universal source of imagery which people associated with Roman culture. They were like portable templates for portraiture and other depictions of Roman culture such as mythological iconography. Busts such as those of gorgons, emperors and goddesses on these artifacts were exchanged and retained as both aesthetic and sovereign valuation. These were probably the very first examples of Roman iconography that penetrated British consciousness. The Built Environment of Romano-Britain Perhaps the most important vehicle of translating empire was the transfer of Roman urban planning to former Barbarian locations such as Britain. Urban planning which was inclusive of civilian landholding interests, and integration into public life, set the format for later Western urbanization. Grid pattern road plants, were flanked by two main entrances, the decmanus maximus and the cardiomaximus, and they enabled the large population of civilian inhabitants to travel with optimum ease, while controlling the flow of traffic in and out of the city or town. The Romano-British elite set their villas up within reach of the main roads and cities, and one of the ways that they displayed their cultural aspirations was through the laying of mosaics. Rome’s occupation of Britain was sustained for approximately for four hundred years, beginning with the reign of Julius Caesar. To this end, ‘The Roman Empire was based on two things: lip service to the emperor, and payment to the army. As long as you acknowledged the imperial cult and paid your taxes, Rome did not really care how you lived your life’ (Ibeji, 2009). The naturalization of citizenry in Britain as ‘Romans’ was marked by land tenure relationships, and afforded ostensibly to military supporters from other regions. British nationals became assimilated through a form of self-conscription, and ultimately through allegiance to the sovereign Roman Republic. Urban settlements emerged from fort townships, which eventually gained municipal status (Ibeji, 2009). The mosaics and their significance : iconography of the sea. A great many of the Romano-British artifacts reflect the traffic in ideological tenets from the Mediterranean. Ling (1997) compiled a preliminary and very useful bibliography on the subject, listing the most important findings of the post war period and it is clear from this list that dolphins, sea gods, nymphs, and fish are very common. Sites near the southern coast of Britain like Dorchester (Durnovaria) contain a lot of water based imagery and it is likely that the sea-faring coastal inhabitants found an echo of their own favourite preoccupations in classical imagery of sea life. There are also some fourth century mosaics in the bath house of the Roman Villa at Rudston which consist of a marine design with Oceanus at the centre (Wilson, 2006) which appear to contain material which is similar to finds in Ostia dating to 200A.D. There are also comparable items in the third century villas at Ancona and Baccano, Italy. This does not mean that the British versions are direct copies of the earlier Mediterranean versions, or even that the owners and the craftsmen who put the mosaics together had ever seen them but rather there appears to be a connection between the Rudstone mosaic and the decorative narrative of Oceanus associated with North African mosaics where the motif appears as ‘either the central or a corner head in a decorative border; as a solitary head within its own frame; in lunette compositions, especially fountain basins, often surrounded by fish and other marine creatures; and, most striking of all, in larger marine compositions where the mask [is] enlarged to sometimes gigantic proportions, set either at the centre or (more usually) at the top of the composition’ (Wilson, 2006). According to R.J.A Wilson, it is the final rendition that characterizes the Rudston classification. Some scholars argue that such stylistic and spatial tendencies might situate the piece squarely in the tradition of mosaics derivative of Tunisian, and more specifically ‘Carthagian’ aesthetic orientation but others argue that the Romano-British mosaics are the product of a broad tradition, and not a conscious chain of copies leading back to any original “source”. The provincial mosaic builders were probably closer to craftsmen than artists, and the paymasters may well have been unaware of the exact literary or architectural heritage they were representing: “Like other ancient decorators and their patrons, they selected from a stock of figure-types and schemata, but occasionally took figures out of context, simplified compositions, or even misunderstood the models.” (Ling, 1991: 153) A modern analogy might be, for example, tattoo artists who collect patterns and designs of their own, but who are largely bound by the traditional expectations of their customers. Certain themes occur again and again, and certain styles are fashionable for long periods of time and over large areas of the globe. It would not make much sense to try and trace the iconographical origins of each individual piece, but rather it is helpful to see them all as part of a far reaching trend which spreads out from the Mediterranean to the farthest corners of the empire. The mosaics and their significance: iconography of mythological figures Perhaps the largest thematic group of images in the Romano-British villa mosaics is that which contains mythological material. A very large number of mythological and sometimes also literary characters appear in standard poses. Early scholars proposed theories linking these to Romano-British religious practices but later scholars suggest that the portrayal is more an aesthetic than a religious feature. Henig (1997) examines the Lullingstone mosaics which contain an image of Europa being carried off by a bull. Above the image there is a mosaic inscription which is not a quotation, as far as one can tell, but is reminiscent of Ovid. He observes “ It does not require much effort of imagination to see the Lullingstone couplet too as a product of the owner’s education and taste. In his schooldays he would certainly have studied Vergil and Ovid in depth, and learned the art of versification”. Henig maintains that the picture and the verse are intended to remind the viewer of the famous ancient poem called the Aeneid and that far from reflecting any contemporary religious beliefs, it is intended to allow the owner to show off his education and aesthetic sensibility. The owner is just as likely to be a Romanized Briton as a migrant from the centre of the Roman empire. In this article Henig goes on to detect some cryptic messages hidden in the lettering which purport to have a Christian meaning but this may be taking things too far, and his argument on this point is not very convincing. It is likely that a secular motivation, that of displaying wealth and assimilation or continuance of Roman high culture are sufficient to explain the motivation behind the Lullingstone mosaics and indeed also another Aeneid related image in the Low Ham pavement which depicts the aftermath of the storm which led to the Romans being washed up on the shores of Dido’s realm at Carthage. There may even be a sly parallel with the way that the Roman conquerors arrived on the shores of Britannia. What these images have in common is a well known literary reference and the potential to stimulate admiration in the viewer and plentiful topics for conversation over a meal or on social occasions. It is no coincidence that most of the Romano-British mosaics are in parts of the villas designed for interaction, whether it be the bath area, the main reception area, or an eating area. Another favourite mythological theme is that of drinking, which is often depicted with reference to figures of Bacchus or Dionysus. The British mosaic pavement in the reception room at the Brading Villa in the Isle of Wight again incorporates a typical Mediterranean scene of marine thiasos with a centerpiece head of Medusa, and a four panel flanked circumference with mythological iconography dedicated to various aspects of agriculture and fertility. This imagery also offers a talking point and a vehicle for the celebration of all things fruitful (Smith, 1984). Economically speaking, mythology was the narrative of modern day fiscal projection – ensuring life and material abundance. The fertility narratives are also related to room function, as far as one can tell from a modern archeological perspective, and wealthy individuals no doubt enjoyed being surrounded by these rather pleasant reminders of the family’s wealth and fortitude (Witts, 2000). The mythological characterizations enhanced this possibility, concretizing their villas as houses of good fortune, in perpetuity. The Brading Villa mosaic pavement is a fairly typical example of the level of preservation of the Romano-British mosaics. It is damaged, and in situ. As in archaeological conservation contexts at other Roman sites, consideration of removal for preservation may cause further ruin of the integrity of the tessarae and this makes study of the exact construction of the mosaic rather difficult. Nevertheless, it is possible to establish that the level of design and craftsmanship is naïve in comparison to the best of the Mediterranean mosaic record from the same period. It is clear from some of the details in the British mosaics also that errors are made in transferring the traditional ideas to the mosaics. The Rudston villa, for example, contains an image of the god Mercury which rests on leaves instead of wings. The wings are the very identifier for this god, and so it makes no sense to depict him in this way, but perhaps the manufacturer simply did not know his mythology well enough to decipher what he was copying. Before rushing too hastily to judge the flaws in the provincial iconography, however, it is important to recognize the limitations of the northern geography. Most of the northern reaches of Europe depended much more on their plentiful supplies of wood as a building resource, and much less on stone or clay, which were expensive to produce and more difficult for unskilled workers to handle. The climate was colder, which meant that traditional scenes of feasting and drinking under the Mediterranean sun may have seemed exotic to the locals. This factor was to influence the way villas were designed in Britain, and the mosaics in Britain were, if anything, more highly prized there than in the regions nearer Rome, because they were less common and they represented an alien, and technically superior culture, and were very costly to produce. We must also consider that decomposition due to exposure to the climatic conditions in Britain has left the surviving examples often very broken and hard to imagine in their original state. In contrast to the Empire’s Southern courtyard style villa seen in sites such as Pompeii, where structures contained internal private, open air courtyards, in the case of British record it is very often the case that mosaic floors, walls and vaults integral to most Roman villa construction are the sole surviving remnants of the former structures. The legacy of war and other mitigating factors that have affected Roman construction in Europe over time has also meant that quite a few mosaic pavement records are the only surviving record for contemporary reinterpretations of Roman culture. There is a danger in interpreting too much into this fragile and fragmentary historical record. The mosaics and their significance: a style specific to Britain? It has been suggested with sometimes more and sometimes less certainty that the Romano-British mosaics are special in so far as they contain quite a lot of Christian, or at least dual Christian/pagan iconography and this makes them in some way special. Consideration of both content and form at Littlecote Park, for example, has led to suggestions that Christianity in Britain may date back to first century A.D. Evidence for this proposition is sought in by way of the trefoil shaped pagan and early Christian site. The mosaic contains Apollo, beasts and the four seasons, and the iconography appears humanistic and mythological. It is possible that the narrative of the mosaic potentially reinforced the acceptability of the site that is otherwise Romano-Christian in spatial formation (Ling, 1983). It is also possible, however, that the mosaics have no particular religious significance, and that they were viewed as purely decorative pieces. The addition of a very few Christian elements here and there may simply be due to the fact that most of the British mosaics are later in time than the Mediterranean ones. Another argument in favour of the decorative function is the frequency of pretty nymphs and handsome suitors and a great emphasis on geometrical adornment. There need not necessarily be much meaning there, so long as the room is enhanced by the mosaic. Beeson goes so far as to describe the mosaics as being on a par with a modern day fine art collection : “The identification of this panel as Achilles on Scyros adds yet another copy of an ‘Old Master’ to the catalogue of what can only be described as a mosaic picture gallery at Brading”. (Beeson, 1997:16) One theme does, however, seem to recur more often than most, and that is the theme of hunting. There are, for example, very large numbers of scenes relating to animals, in various outdoor settings. In a land such as Britain, full of wildlife, hunting, followed by extensive feasting, was a favoured pastime of the rich. Pictures of dogs, foxes, deer, pigs and horses abound and these are again symbols of wealth and leisure. There are also some depictions of hybrid and fabulous animals and Ling detects an element of local colour in the Brading cock-man who “seems to wear a hooded cloak of the type familiar in the north-western provinces (cucullus)” (Ling, 1991: 151). If local patrons are choosing their favourite themes, then it is not hard to guess that hunting will be high on the list, not because of any reverence for hunting gods, but because it reminds them of their favourite sport. This emphasis is perhaps evidence of an evolution towards a land-based and rural hunting based society in Britain as opposed to the more maritime and city based Mediterranean cultures. Conclusion. Mosaics are an expensive and durable craft. Roman citizens and the emerging British social elite alike used them to promote Britain’s growing assimilation into the Roman empire and to demonstrate their wealth, education and ultimately power in a largely poor and illiterate country. The range of iconography used is fairly typical of a Mediterranean culture but this chimes well with local aspirations and habits. Britian is, after all, an island, and although the weather may have been much harsher, and the food and drink less sophisticated, the provincial population have ambitions to enjoy all that their own natural environment has to offer in a comfortable domestic setting which Roman technology has enabled them to construct for themselves and their entourage. References. Barrett, A.A. “Knowledge of the literary classics in Roman Britain”. Britannia 9 (1978), 307-13. Beeson, A. “Achilles on Vestis. A new interpretation of a mosaic panel from Brading, with notes on other Romano-British representations of the subject in mosaic.” Mosaic 24 (1997) 13-16. Available at: http://www.asprom.org/resources/Brading/AchillesBeeson.html Branigan, K. “Pavements and Poverty in the Chiltern Villas”. Britannia 2 (1971), 109-16. Henig, M. “Art, religion and letters in a fourth century villa: The Lullingstone Villa Mosaic”. Mosaic 24 (1997), 4-7. Available at: http://www.asprom.org/resources/Lullingstone/LullingstoneHenig.html Henig, M. “Late Roman Mosaics in Britain: Myth and Meaning”. Mosaic, 13 (1986), 13-20. Ibeji, M. An Overview of Roman Britain. British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), (2009). Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ancient/romans/questions_01.shtml Ling, R. “The Seasons in Romano-British Mosaic Pavements. Britannia 14 (1983), 13-22. Ling, R. “Brantingham and York: A New Look at Some Fourth-Centry Mosaics.” Britannia, 22 (1991), 147-157. Ling, R. “Mosaics in Roman Britain: Discoveries and Research since 1945”. Britannia, 28 (1997), 259-295. Maddison, A. Contours of the World Economy 1-2030 AD: Essays in Macro-Economic History. (Oxford, 2007). Neal, D.S. & S.R. Cosh, Roman Mosaics of Britain. Volumes I. (London, 2002). Romano-British Mosaic Pavements, 1887. The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 16, (1887), pp. 99-100 Scott, S. Art and Society in Fourth-Century Britain: Villa Mosaics in Context. (Oxford, 2000). Smith, D.J. “The Mosaic Pavements” In: A.L.F. Rivet, ed. The Roman Villa in Britain. (London, 1969), 71-125. Smith, D.J. “Mythological figures and scenes in Romano-British mosaics”. In: J. Munby & M. Henig, eds. Roman Life and Art in Britain. (Oxford, 1977), 105-193. Toynebee, J.M.C. “Apollo, beasts and seasons: some thoughts on the Littlecote mosaic”. Britannia 12 (1981), 1-5. Smith, D.J. “Roman mosaics in Britain: a synthesis. In: CMGR III. Ravenna (1984), 357-380. Stupperich, R. “A reconsideration of some fourth-century British mosaics.” Britannia, 11, (1980), 289-301. Wilson, R., 2006. Aspects of Iconography in Romano-British Mosaics: The Rudston 'Aquatic' Scene and the Brading Astronomer Revisited. Britannia, 37, (2006), 295-336. Witts, P. “Interpreting the Brading Abraxus Mosaic”. Britannia 25 (1994), 111-117. Witts, P. Mosaics in Roman Britain: Stories in Stone. (Stroud, 2005). Read More