Eritrea President Isaias Afewerki - Essay Example

Eritrea and Eritrea’s President Isaias Afewerki Biography Eritrea as a country is located in the Horn of Africa, itsname Eritrea refers to the Italian form of the Greek word Erythraia that refers to red land. It is a multiethnic state with nine ethnic groups, with a population of about six million people. The natives speak Afro Asiatic languages. Among the inhabitants, the Tigrinya makes up half of the population, while the Tigre stand at thirty percent. In addition, there are also the minority ethnic Nilo Saharan speaking groups. Eritreans adhere to Islam and Christianity. Eritrea was formed as a result of the inclusion of independent kingdoms from the Ethiopian empire as well as the Ottoman Empire. Eritrea’s history is related to its unique position on the Red Sea, with a coastline extending over one thousand kilometers. Its strategic importance is because of the mineral resources it has together with their history with Ethiopia. The nine ethnic groups recognized by the Eritrean government include the Cushitic Saho, Beja, Afar and Blin; the Semitic Tigre, Rashaida and Tigrigna; and the Nara and Kunama. The society in Eritrea is ethnically heterogeneous, with each ethnic group speaking a different native language. Having a little patience you are able to learn interesting facts about Eritrea, and why its history is unique and special. To begin with a visit to the capital Asmara reveals how the streets are clean, filled with friendly natives and there is not sign that there is homelessness as depicted by international medias. A tour of the city outskirts you see the reforestation and soil preservation efforts the government has embarked on, through the Eritrean student summer national service program. In Eritrea’s primary schools, children are taught in their mother tongue; bear in mind there are nine tribes, each ethnic group with a unique language how special and unique can that get, in one of the world’s poorest country. Eritrea is the only nation in the entire world to execute such a program. Again, Eritrea is a country where arranged marriages still exist in the villages. The entire tale of the Eritrean armed struggle is read about like it is an epic novel. Another special fact to recall is that Eritrea is a neocolonialist state in Africa, but has managed to achieve more in its twelve years of independence compared to nations like Sudan, Cote d’Ivoire, and Nigeria where Muslims and Christians slaughter each other. Bear in mind that Eritrea is constituted by half Muslims and half Christians, yet no such atrocity is experienced. The people of Eritrea might be poor, hungry or even affected by droughts, but they are unique and special, and they are aware of this. Their harmony and strength is amazingly remarkable, and this makes them so special against all odds. Born in February 1946, Isaias Afewerki attended the influential Makonnen high school in Asmara Eritrea, until his graduation in 1965.He later proceeded to Haile Selassie University in Addis Ababa to study engineering but later on abandoned his engineering studies and moved to Kassala, Sudan, where he linked with the Eritrean Liberation Front movement in exile. Isaias Afewerki is the founding president of Eritrea, a position he has held ever since Eritrea’s independence in 1993. He steered the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front movement to victory in the year 1991 that consequently, ended the thirty year old armed liberation struggle that the Eritrean natives call the Gedli. The Eritrean People’s Liberation Front changed its political identity to the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice in order to mirror its new-fangled responsibilities. It still rules Eritrea to date with Afewerki as the leader. A brief recall of Isaias school days reveals that he portrayed Eritrean students’ political thoughts and sentiments as being organized in clandestine groups. He held the view that sentimentally and emotionally every student was aligned with the Eritrean Liberation Front and that it was impossible to tell which tribe one came from, or which religion one belonged to since there lacked a clue to that line of thought (Dan79). However, after coming into Sudan, Afewerki’s sentiments towards the Eritrean Liberation Front leadership adjusted, he says, before he went to Sudan, the Eritrean Liberation Front was a magical organization to him or maybe some kind of folk tale, but when he arrived he became frustrated. Inhabitants began telling him about the dreadful nature of the ELF, and Kassala turned out to be a nightmare for him. For some reason they were detested, even blamed of being representatives for the Ethiopians, very narrow thoughts of the tribe, clan, and religion was the foundation for surviving or not surviving. They lived in an atmosphere of terror, having to move in groups, particularly at dusk, to guard each other. It was certainly an awkward experience after many years of fighting for this movement (Dan 89). The thirty year old Eritrean war was a bloody liberation struggle for Eritrea’s independence. Afewerki was part of the armed struggle from 1966, after abandoning his engineering studies and joining the Eritrean Liberation Front in Sudan. In the year 1967, Isaias together with another fighter Ramadan Mohammed, were sent to China for advanced military training, where they lasted two years studying guerrilla warfare tactics and political ideologies. On Afewerki’s homecoming, he was assigned the political commissar position of Eritrean Liberation Front organization. In the year 1970, tactical and ideological differences within the Eritrean liberation Front led to a split of the organization into three factions. By the time Eritrea gained her independence, and the state assembly had elected Isaias as president, he had already ruled the nation for quite a while. In the course of the few decades, he ruled President Afewerki had by far and large disrespected civil and political freedoms, jailing nonconformists, not holding elections, outlawing formation of opposition parties and limiting the freedom of movement. In the East African region, Eritrea turned out to be the diplomatically isolated state following the long wedged dispute with Ethiopia over entrée to ports exploded into blood spattered conflict. Countless natives from Eritrea were, as a result, forced to depend on food support, while many of ordinary civilians having to flee from Eritrea. According to recent studies of the situation, Afewerki has transformed Eritrea into the most repressive and isolated countries of the world. However, after twenty one years in command, current occurrences suggest that Afewerki might be steadily losing grip on authority. The probability that Afewerki will stick as president forever is diminishing, and speculations are high on what possibilities his regime will finally face, with coups and uprisings topping the agenda (Cliffe et al. 87). The Eritrean G-15 was a name coined for the group of rebellious members who opposed President Afewerki’s act of postponing elections and his failure in implementation of the constitution. The members of the group consisted former members of the Presidents ruling movement People’s Front for Democracy and Justice. In 2001, the faction wrote an open letter to raise criticism against President Afeworkis deeds terming them as unlawful and unconstitutional. Amongst the fifteen member faction, eleven members are imprisoned by the state; three moved to the United States, and one member rejoined the government. It is speculated that the eleven members imprisoned are charged with treason. The government believes that they all share, a general guilt: at the least of abdication of responsibility during the nations trying times, and at the greatest, mass conspiracy (Connell 15). President Afewerki’s management style has not transformed any of the fundamental concerns relating to its commitment of nation-building, social justice, development, and democracy, diplomatic coexistence with its neighboring states, non-alignment and positive engagement with the international community founded on the morality of mutual respect and non-interference in the internal affairs of independent nations. This is so since president Afewerki is the sole decision maker in all government undertakings and does not seek any advice or help from others. As a matter of fact, the only optimistic treatments of Eritrea during its early years of independence, was a means of enticing it from the independent national developmental course, and transform it into one subservient country in Africa. While addressing an international development conference in the US, President Afewerki once mentioned that the association linking Western donors and African nations should not be one that brings about dependency instead it should be founded on true partnership. “Equality should be the key player of this association. Donor beneficiary correlations founded on direction and dictation of unsuitable solutions will not work out. Our sovereignty of decision should not be infringed upon by conditionality of aid, as this is an elemental question of dignity that cannot be negotiated by momentary necessity (Connell et al. 34). The constant government torture, random detention, harsh restrictions on the freedom of expression, association, and religious freedom which remain habitual in Eritrea, as well as the unending serious human rights mistreatment, forced labor and indistinct military service prompt thousands of Eritreans to flee the country every year to seek asylum in safer areas or states (Gibney et al. 56). The media refers to Eritrea as a repressive state sponsoring terrorism and headed by a dictatorial leader because President Isaias government shut down the independent press in Eritrea by cancelling their licenses and arresting the editors and publishers. Another instance follows a confession by a former guards’ statement that there are some journalists who worked in government bureaus, were arrested for supposedly providing information to Western nongovernmental groups and governments, and remain incarcerated indefinitely. Again every local media is restricted by the government. Two of the four internet service providers forbid access to sites not consented by the government and individuals using internet cafes are exposed to surveillance. The Eritrean government also from time to time blocks satellite radio transmissions by rebellious groups. The world Committee to Protect Journalists in the year 2012 classified Eritrea as the world’s most media censored nation (Henze 67). Over the years, President Isaias has clearly crafted out Eritrea’s disposition that it would not put up with the neo-liberal economic convention called the Washington Consensus. Consequently, after it became apparent that Eritrea would not shift from its dedicated commitment geared towards an independent and self-reliant national developmental policy, the half truths tone made a sharp reversal. The state government is putting the philosophy and practice of self-sustainability into place nation-wide. As a result of a vicious civil war with Ethiopia together with the unresolved border ceasefire policed by the United Nations, and, considerably, devoid of donor support. Eritreas present one party state evidently does not run in line with the political intentions of the developed world administrations, and at least the Eritrean regime has said no thanks to donor support and dependence. The casing point, however, is that in comparison to other African states where thousands starve and donor support is plenty and complicated in its sharing and redirection, a country like Eritrea under the steward management of Afewerki has managed to restore its subdivided agricultural terrains, to reforest, to assist returnees form land holdings, to train children and offer women an equal shot in matters of society and economy, and further collect around six percent of profits raised by mining companies to help in social development, that much we can say President Afewerki is trying hard enough to enhance Eritrea’s productivity once more (Dizard et al. 67 ). President Isaias Afewerki is by fact an aging and ailing dictator and will soon wither away. The worry however, is whether Eritrea will stand in peace and in an evolutional socio-economic course and transform for the best after this rogue leader is gone. The subsequent Eritrean leader will have to institutionalize mechanisms that protect the state and unfortunate people in general. Future rulers of the Eritrean natives must pick a leaf from Isayas constant war mongering mistakes, and learn to live in diplomatic co-existence with the neighboring states (Medhin 56). War and pride will never be the solution for Eritrea, as evidently experienced, war and the fake mind-set of expansionist mentality will kill lots of blameless Eritreans and stall their country’s development. Another unprovoked attack, by Eritrea will drive the meager country to its death bed, just as Isayas attempted with peaceful Ethiopia, Yemen and Djibouti (Tesfagiorgis 67). Owing to Isaias’ uncalled-for aggression of war, and pointless expansions policy, Eritrea is currently cut off from the population of the peace devoted nations in Africa and the entire world, and consequently, due to Afeworkis defunct leadership, countless Eritreans are now in abject poverty never witnessed in history. Hundreds of youthful citizens are fleeing Eritrea whenever they come across possible modes and means out. Some fortunate ones make it while those of them caught fleeing are persecuted and killed. Even natives who cross the border are sometimes killed by human traffickers, especially in the Sinai desert in Egypt. Works Cited “Carillet, Jean-Bernard, and Matt Phillips. Ethiopia & Eritrea. Footscray, Vic: Lonely Planet, 2009.” Print. “Connell, Dan, and Tom Killion. Historical Dictionary of Eritrea. Lanham: Scarecrow Press, 2011”. Print. “Connell, Dan. Against All Odds: A Chronicle of the Eritrean Revolution : with a New Afterword on the Postwar Transition. Lawrenceville, NJ: Red Sea Press, 1997.” Print. “Connell, Dan. Conversations with Eritrean Political Prisoners. Lawrenceville, N.J: Red Sea, 2005”. Print. “Cliffe, Lionel, and Basil Davidson. The Long Struggle of Eritrea for Independence and Constructive Peace. Trenton, N.J: Red Sea Press, 1988.” Print. :Dizard, Jake, Christopher Walker, and Vanessa Tucker. Countries at the Crossroads: An Analysis of Democratic Governance. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2011.” Internet resource. “Gibney, Matthew J, and Randall Hansen. Immigration and Asylum: From 1900 to the Present. Santa Barbara, Calif: ABC-CLIO, 2005. “Print. “Henze, Paul. Eritreas War: Confrontation, International Response, Outcome, Prospects. Addis Ababa: Shama Books, 2001.” Print. “Medhin, Mesghina G. Eritrea: The Agony of My People. Shippensburg, PA: Companion Press, 1989.” Print. “Tesfagiorgis, G M. Eritrea. Santa Barbara, Calif: ABC-CLIO, 2010.” Print. Read More