Challenges Facing the Gulf Cooperation Council - Thesis Proposal Example

Challenges Facing the Gulf Cooperation Council The GCC was set up in 1981 by the heads of states of six nations namely; Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, united Arab emirates and Saudi Arabia. The main purpose of GCC formation was to attain unity among member states based on their common goals and their similar cultural and political identities. GCC is founded on Muslims beliefs, and presidency of the council rotates on a yearly basis (Korany & Dessouki, 2010). GCC was mainly formed to promote cooperation among the citizens of member states, as well as, make strong relations among member countries. The GCC member countries face challenges in achieving a unified decision with regards to Syria to external influences such as Iran. The council members criticized the world’s failure to take action on the Syria’s current situation. The council condemns Iran’s interference in its internal affairs. Divergent views by GCC member states make it intricate for them to achieve a unified decision with regards to Syria. For instance, Qatar and Saudi Arabia have openly supported the opposition forces in their struggle against Bashar al-Assad’s regime (Ehteshami, 2013). All GCC member countries want better relations with Iran, yet condemn it for interfering with its internal affairs. Iran is suspected to support opposition protests in Bahrain (Rashwan, 2012). GCC neighbors are going through difficult political transition such as Yemen. Other nations like Jordan are strategically located in relation to the gulf region. As such, Jordan is included in the security calculations of the gulf region. Nevertheless, Jordan is subject to pressure from Israeli. This leaves Jordan at the state of economic crisis (Masters, 2013). The diverse experiences that GCC neighbors are going through make it hard for them to achieve a unified decision. Aims and objectives The research seeks to explore aspects of the GCC council and its decision making mechanisms. The research also seeks to examine the state of countries neighboring the GCC member states. These are such as Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Jordan Main research question Can GCC take a unified decision with regard to issues affecting its neighbors? Specific research questions 1) What is the criterion for making decisions on foreign in the GCC? 2) What are the direct impacts of actions by neighboring countries on GCC member countries? 3) What are the express and indirect upshots of GCC decisions on individual countries? Summary and outline of the topic International relations study gained momentum in the 19th century following world war two. Three schools of thought emerged in a bid to explain the international system. These are liberalism, realism and constructivism. However, realists and liberalists are the prominent schools of thoughts explaining international relations. Realism sees international relations as being founded on selfish motives where individual states seek power. Realists see states as trying to increase their power while seeking to diminish the power of the enemy. Everything a state does is for the exclusive purpose of acquiring power internationally. States view other powerful states as rivals because of power. The concept of “when it is not in your hands, it threatening” prevails the action of a state in international relations. Liberalist perspective is the direct opposite of realism. Liberalism views international relations as cooperation and not rivalry. States endeavor to create a world where human justice prevails. States cooperate with each other since they have learned that cooperation is a better strategy than conflict. This is achieved through the creation of enforceable international law to govern the relations. Constructivism theory examines a state as a unique entity with cultural, economic, political, social or religious features being the main forces behind a state’s foreign policy (Newmann, nd). In this research, the GCC member countries are the main areas of interest. Focus will be given on how the gulf cooperation makes the decision, and the effects individual countries. Additionally, the research will look into the impact of neighboring countries like Syria on GCC operations. Structure of the proposed research The research is organized in three chapters. Chapter one examines the aims and objectives of the research, brief overview of international relations, as well as the significance of the topic. It will also cover on the justification of the topic and the nature of research. Chapter two covers the literature review where main arguments will be presented, as well as previous studies on international relations. Chapter three covers the research methodology on sampling method, research design and techniques. Importance of the proposed work The issue of international relations and the nature of individual state as actors in the international system has been a subject of debate since time immemorial. International relations play a significant role in shaping a country’s political and economic progress. The states of affairs of a country’s neighbors also play a key role in a country’s or a regional bloc foreign policy decisions. Evaluating GCC challenges in making a unified decision in regards to its neighbors will benefit GCC on how to handle its current situation. The research will offer insights on other regional organizations like the east African Community and MENA countries to make decisions regarding their war ton neighbors. The study will also benefit the global bodies like the UN on ways to reduce human suffering in crisis stricken regions. This research will incorporate primary and secondary information. Primary information may not be sufficient enough to address the research question due to inherent limitations. This are such as time and resources, as well as the ethics related to some subjects of this research. For instance, the gulf cooperation council may have limitations on the information they can offer the public with regards to their operations. Secondary research on other countries experiencing crises such as Somalia and Sudan will be beneficial in this research. Literature review The pattern of conflict emerged with the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq in 1990, which made Iraq be perceived as a key threat by principal Arab emirates. Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Syria retained their containment in Iraq while Saddam Hussein was in power. The division between former Arab coalition partners and countries sympathizing with Iraq led to secondary axis of conflict. Tensions also resulted from sub regional powers and weaker states in their immediate areas, as the mighty powers endeavored to consolidate their influence. For illustration, Saudi Arabia visa vis Qatar and Yemen. Iraq ceased to be a perceived menace following the elimination of Saddam Hussein, though the country acts as a source of concern in the Arab world. The reason is that power shift in Iraqi from Sunni to Shi’a leads to greater assertiveness against Kuwait, Bahrain, Kuwait and Iraqi itself. In short, relations between Iraq and the rest of the Arab world are characterized by unique unease and suspicion on identities issues. The suspicion also arises on directional aspects like Islamism and alignment and influence. This results in the relationship of key tension in the contemporary Arab system as other Arab nations keep a cautious stand keeping Iraq under close watch (Ramady, 2012). At the same time, main Arab states like Saudi Arabia foster inclusion of Sunni in the Iraqi political organization. Tensions still persists between Iraq and Syria that result in the flow of resources and personnel from Iraqi Islamists and Baathists, as well as from other global terrorist networks. Relations are also strained between Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Syria over the foreign policy of Syria towards Lebanon (Low & Salazar, 2011; Blanchard & Blanchard, 2011). The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait also altered the pattern of alignment from the polycentrism of the 1980s to the polarization of the influential Arab powers. In 1990s, Syria, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and GCC states came together to oppose Iraq through a crisis alliance. The efforts were centered on joint Arab security for the gulf region to offer political and military coordination in the phase of fresh threats. The Damascus declaration of 1991 envisioned Syrian and Egyptian military and political contributions to gulf security, paralled by gulf state monetary contributions to the Syrian and Egyptian economies. Doubts emerged as to what extent Syria and Egypt would contribute to military security in contrast to United States and western powers. Eventually, the planned security arrangements did not occur due to reservation by GCC member states. Reservation resulted from the concern on Syria connections with Iran, costs of financial aid involved. Prospective internal political security problems emerging from the Syrian and Egyptian troops on GCC states’ soil also led GCC to prefer the US and western powers. The failure of the forecasted security arrangements for the gulf undercut hopes for a peacetime cooperation of the GCC states. The coalition would have helped in dealing with numerous challenges facing some parts of the Arab world. Political cooperation between GCC member states reduced, although Political ties persisted between Egypt and Saudi Arabia. As a result, little development was accomplished in economic and military cooperation within GCC. Divergences in GCC countries’ national conditions and political tensions focusing on Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and Qatar resulted in differences of emphasis in policy towards their neighbors. Drivers of GCC foreign policy remain a controversial issue resulting from unparalleled revolutions in the Arab countries. External policies of newly accountable Arab governments are getting more reflective of domestic concerns. Makers of foreign policy within GCC acknowledge that internal dynamics of member states are instrumental in making foreign policies. Economic conditions, democratic make-up and government idiosyncrasies are the key determinants of GCC states’ foreign policies, and explain the differences among them (Thomas, 2012; Brookings Doha Centre, 2013; Korany, B., & Dessouki, H.E., 2010). There is a nexus through which foreign acts reflect and shape domestic perceptions of principal regional issues. For illustration, the Qatar government was aligned to United States foreign policy in 2012, although Qataris were more opposed to western oriented social policies like the sale of alcohol and adoption of English language classes. This may have contributed to the scaling back of these policies by the Qatar government. Government decisions are made with citizens in mind, and GCC monarchies seek public approval through rentier wealth redistribution and by seeking intangible resources like prestige. In addition, there are rival factions within each regime, which are exploited by or aim to exploit public opinion. For instance, a security minded branch in of the ruling family in Bahrain often points to public complaints regarding the lack of stability from Sunni hardliners, which are pro-regime. GCC state track records on internal reform have been noteworthy in establishing how they are affected by Arab spring and their nature of response, as well. Kuwait and Bahrain are the most affected since they have attained the brink between superficial democracy and representative democracy. As they stand, there is little their leaders can offer in terms of political reforms, which will comprise a genuine change of power and essentially change their status quo (McMurray & Amanda, 2013). Nevertheless, this is not the case in their United Arab Emirates counterpart that still has room for non substantial reforms. These reforms do not essentially have a real effect on broadening political participation. They are frequently designed to strengthen status quo further. For illustration, citizens were offered the right to vote in Saudi Arabia in a bid to stop powerful local Shi’i contenders from succeeding (BBC News, 2011; Ismael & Ismael, 2012). Recent Uprisings in GCC neighboring states present severe challenges to the ruling models except in Kuwait and Bahrain. GCC monarchies heavily depend on rentier systems that enable them accumulate immense wealth from natural assets and allocate it in ways that solidify their positions. GCC states reacted to the threat of popular rebellions by essentially increasing public spending, an approach that failed to eradicate grievances (Fitch & Pleven, 2012). Apparently, these governments are faced with a bleak choice between shifting toward repressive responses or adopting institutional adjustments. Oman, Bahrain and UAE governments are already moving towards suppressive responses. Other external actors like the European Union have a noteworthy role in aiding GCC states make decisions. Ruling families in the gulf have strong constituencies of support and loyalty, with calls for reform focused on increasing participation, rather than on the collapse of the regime. However, this is with the exception of Bahrain. There are internal dynamics that put noteworthy pressure on GCC states even beyond Kuwait and Bahrain. The Islamists groups within the gulf are reorganizing and becoming more assertive thus exerting internal pressure on GCC states decision. National policies of GCC member states restrict political spaces. For illustration, forbidding political parties contribute to the development of these groups (Reuters, 2012; BBC News, 2011). GCC decisions are also influenced by other external actors like the EU and United States. For instance, GCC decision on fighting terrorism and maintaining a nuclear free middle east matches that of the EU. The Arab uprisings have presented a temporary convergence between EU and GCC interests. Both sides have been on the same side of issues ranging from stabilizing Yemen, addressing the Syria crisis to toppling Libya’s Muammar Qaddafi. GCC engagement with EU has increased resulting from the increased uprisings in GCC neighboring states. However, areas of an agreement have been reached on short term basis as EU and GCC do not subscribe to the same rules founded on global order. Divergent points of view on aspects like political reforms have resulted in a clash of discourses. In conclusion, GCC continues to suffer from an identity crisis on its own, posing the long term visionability of the gulf cooperation. Intervention in Bahrain proved divisive among the GCC states and the fear of dominance by Saudi Arabia. This make it intricate for GCC states to take a unified decision regarding issues facing their neighboring counterparts (Echague, 2011; Brookings Doha Centre, 2013). Research methods and design This study will utilise descriptive, cross sectional survey design. This will involve collecting data from a sample of cross section of respondents who will be selected from GCC officials. This design will aim at assessing and investigating the problem by use of questionnaire and interviews. This design is considered ideal because it does not focus on a single case. It articulates on several cases sampled from the selected population (Bryman and Bell 2003). Stratified random sampling will also be utilised. The researcher finds this sampling procedure convenient because potential respondents will be divided into two strata; the GCC officials and international relations professionals. First hand information is essential for this study, therefore, the study will utilise questionnaires and interview guides to obtain information from the respondents. In analysing the data, after the researcher collect, edit, and code similar themes, classifying and tabulating will be used to process the collected data for better analysis. Descriptive and inferential analysis will be used to measure so as to determine the relationship that exists among the collected data. In light with this, descriptive analysis like percentage, mean, and mode will be utilised to give an insight of the relationship of the variables. The results will be presented using MS excel. Ethical issues and risk Some of the ethical issues include religious differences that may make it intricate for respondent to offer information. Information on decision making structures and procedures is confidential issues that pose an ethical dilemma for respondents to answer freely. Security reasons also pose risks in conducting this research. Bibliography: BBC News, 2011, EU envoy defends Bahrain police amid unrest, accessed on March 24, 2013 from: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-12829401. BBC News, 2011, Q&A: Saudi Municipal Elections, accessed on 24 March 2013 from: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-15089937. Beydoun, N.M., 2012, The Glass Palace: Illusions of Freedom and Democracy in Qatar, NY: Algora publishing press. Blanchard, M.C., & Blanchard, M.C., 2011, Qatar: Background and U. S. Relations, Collingdale USA, DIANE Publishing. Bryman, A and Bell, E., 2003. Business Research Methods. New York: Oxford University Press. Brookings Doha Centre, 2013, toward a strategic partnership? The EU and the GCC in revolutionary Middle East, accessed on 24 March 2013 from: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2013/1/24%20eu%20GCC%20r elations/english%20pdf.pdf. Echague, A, 2011, Don’t forget the Gulf, FRIDE, accessed on 24 March 2013 from: http://fride.org/download/PB_98_Gulf.pdf. Ehteshami, A., 2013, Dynamics of Change in the Persian Gulf: Political Economy, War and Revolution, London: Routledge. Fitch, A., & Pleven, L., 2012, Gulf States Keep Oil Dollars Home, The Wall Street Journal, April 26, 2012, accessed on 24 March 2013 from:http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702303990604577367920842942292. html. Ibrahim, A.B., 2007, Economic Co-Operation in the Gulf: Issues in the Economies of the Arab Gulf Co-Operation Council States, London, Routledge. Ismael, T.Y., & Ismael, S.J., 2012, Government and Politics of the Contemporary Middle East: Continuity and Change, London: Routledge. Korany, B., & Dessouki, H.E., 2010, The Foreign Policies of Arab States: The Challenge of Globalization, Cairo: American Univ in Cairo Press. Low, L., & Salazar, L.C., 2011, The Gulf Cooperation Council: A Rising Power and Lessons for ASEAN, Singapore, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Masters, J, 2013, council on foreign relations, Syria’s crisis and the global response, accessed on 24 March 2013 from: http://www.cfr.org/syria/syrias-crisis-global- response/p28402. McMurray, D., & Amanda, U.S, 2013, The Arab Revolts: Dispatches on Militant Democracy in the Middle East, Bloomington USA: Indiana University Press. Newmann, B., nd, a brief introduction to theories on international relations and foreign policy, Accessed on 24 March 2013 from: http://www.people.vcu.edu/~wnewmann/468theory.htm Ramady, M.A., 2012, The GCC Economies: Stepping Up to Future Challenges, London: Springer. Rashwan, A., 2012, Almonitor, elusive dreams of a gulf union, accessed on 24 march 2013 from: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/ar/contents/articles/business/2012/05/al-khaleej- interviews-the-chairm.html. Reuters, 2012, UAE shuts pro-democracy office in Abu Dhabi, accessed on 24 March 2013 from: http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/03/29/germany-emirates- idUSL6E8ET7KO20120329>. Thomas, J, 2012, The National: The UAE and Canada are back in business, Accessed on 24 March 2013 from: http://www.thenational.ae/news/uae-news/the-uae-and-canada-are- back-in-business. Read More