History of Canadian Labour - Essay Example

History of Canadian Labor Until the last quarter of the twentieth century, much of the labor history of Canada was in the darkness of ignorance. Itwas only with the official publication of the Committee on Canadian Labour History that the world came to know about the multifaceted course of labor movements in Canada. Paucity of historical data is regarded to be the primary reason behind this delay. While the British, American and Australian scholars could always find enough study materials to trace the progression of working class movements in their respective nations, the Canadian historians struggled to pen down the labor history in a chronological manner. This is somewhat strange considering how Canada as a nation has evolved from a labor-oriented socio-economic structure. Unlike many nations, Canada was not built by soldiers, politicians and traders. It was built on the toil and sweat of those who built canals, cleared forests, prepared vast, uncultivated land for agriculture, and built railways. Cities and downs were made by labors in Canada - the working class people who were designated to write the future course of progression for this country. 'The Best Poor Man's Country' - the term which is ascribed to Canada frequently, hints at how the country's resources were utilized by the working class people under the supervision of labor unions and organizations. Considering the social nature of Canada, especially with regards to the immigration factor, getting cheap manual labor was never easy. In addition to this, the difference between skilled labor force and not-so-competent workingmen was palpable in early Canada. The early unions in the country, instead of organizing various labor clans, aimed at maximizing their own profits out of the dearth of essential hands. The skilled workers demanded security and status in exchange of total work commitment. History of Canadian labor in the twentieth century is marked by both achievements and setbacks. The integration of unionism during the 1880s; formation of a capitalist market in the beginning of the twentieth century; subsequent labor unrests; the First World War and its impact on wage structure; multiplication of strikes and walkouts at workplaces - all contributed to the development of a happening phase in the working class history of Canada between 1920 and 1940. This article is going to focus on the initial post-war downturn and gradual rebuilding of the Canadian labor movement in this span of time. The role of unionism in the history of Canadian labor deserves a special mention. Despite the anti-union legislation that was formed in Nova Scotia in 1816, groups of workers in many parts of the country formed their own unions. In those early times in Canada, these labor organizations included shoemakers in Montreal and Hamilton; printers in Halifax, Quebec City, Montreal, Hamilton and Toronto. Blacksmiths, shipwrights, carpenters, painters, tailors and seamen also built their unions. Traders coming from the United Kingdom in the beginning of the nineteenth century introduced the British tradition of trade union movements. An international relation between Great Britain and Canada was established, leading to the merger of labors and intellectuals. In years to come, this tie became less formal and more close, heralding the beginning of an international trade union movement. (The Canadian labour movement 1997-2006) With the inception of reformist organizations such as the Knights of Labor and the Salvation Army in the 188s, the previously unstructured forms of labor bodies integrated into unions that looked after the employee issues and stood by the labor fraternity wherever possible. Workers from all job spheres got united under the labor unions. In turn, the unions ensured safety and security of their members regardless of gender or racial identities. Dispute settlements were made by the union leaders in matters of working hours, wages and a few other areas of concern. The birth of industrial unionism in Canada was greeted with a lot of enthusiasm by the working class people from Ontario. Both the Salvation Army and the Knights of Labor were able to draw mass support. It was meant to happen because in those days, the working class people, especially the skilled labors, did not get the kind of living and educational facilities they deserved. Unhygienic living conditions and lack of education for their children were two major personal issues for them. Industrial unions such as the Salvation Army and the Knights of Labor addressed the pertinent issues related to both personal and professional lives of the working class people in Canada. Even though industrialization had emerged in Ontario in the middle of the nineteenth century, it lacked organizational stability and leadership. (MacDowell 78) The workers' organizations, however, gained direction and orderliness as numerous unions, apart from asking for the improvement in living conditions of the labors, also raised vigorous campaigns for nine-hour work schedule. The printers in Toronto played the most crucial role in the campaign and it is because of them that modern Canada works a 40 hour week. Thus industrial unionism had its origin firmly rooted in the intent to overthrow the capitalist system by means of industrial reformist actions. The unions and workers' associations strived to gain an upper hand over the government in Canada. This was a deliberate methodology that was adapted to assist the cause of labors. It might be noted that since the nineteenth century, the Canadian governments at the local, provincial as well as federal levels banked on industrial capitalism as a means to resolve economic starvation. However, a sympathetic approach towards companies did not help the interest of the workers at all. This was quite apparent in the way labor unrests in the beginning of the twentieth century were curbed down by force than by across the table negotiations. Any kind of dissent shown by workers was dealt with by police deployment and legal proceedings. Moreover, diversification of unions, the imminent threat of a cold war, gender biases at workplaces, irregular wage structures and frequent workouts did not augur well for the overall economic growth of the country. Most workers lived a life of perpetual struggle for food, clothing and shelter. New managerial machinery, often oppressive, was introduced to downsize excess workers. It sparked the labor unrest all the more as skilled labors did not appreciate the new rules. The concept of the labor class is important in this regard. Earlier in the 1870s, the skilled and experienced labors enjoyed an authoritative status over their employers at workplaces. But with the introduction of new policies and amendment in the older ones too away such privileges. Tension between the Canadian government and the workers' associations increased with the turn of the new millennium. Besides, labor unions also failed to gain ascendancy in terms of promoting labor solidarity. By the time of the World War I, working class divisions based on skill, race, ethnicity and gender became apparent, and this issue went out of labor unions' control. It was evident from the fact that the working class unions in Canada were about to face ideological differences in terms of occupation, locality, industry, race, ethnicity and gender. In many cities, both union leaders and labors were white, male, Anglophone and francophone Canadians. A less radical approach of gaining labor solidarity was adapted by unionists in Quebec, but it eventually failed to produce the intended result. The onset of the First World War was undoubtedly a pivotal point in the history of Canadian labor. Apart from the globally disturbing situation, the nation at that time was facing the danger of a working class militancy that threatened from within. As mentioned earlier, workers in Canada could not come in terms with the new economic agenda devised and implemented by the capitalist system. Top union labors were ordered to follow the agenda. The government in turn made commitment that all the areas concerning labor wages, gender and racial bias and so on would be resolved. But this promise was far from being kept and frequent instances of strikes and other forms of protests ran rampant in the country. Shipbuilding and coalmining industries were among the two worst affected areas. The Winnipeg General strikes foreboded a remarkable era in the history of Canadian labor movements in terms of decline and salvation. With the onset of spring, the residents of Winnipeg saw an unprecedented instance of labor unification on matters of common interest. This unrest paralyzed public and private sectors, including banks, mail and food delivery system, telephones, newspapers, water supply and so on. Sparked off by a dispute between metal workers and their bosses, the unrest rapidly spread throughout the city's working class. Post war Canada witnessed dramatic changes in working class movements. The Trades and Labor Congress of Canada, which once intervened into the national machinery to voice the collective issues of the working class, had to take a different stance in the wake of an economic downturn shortly after the First World War. Some of the recently established corporate setups dominated and fueled the economy during this time. The name of James Bryson McLachlan comes to the fore in tracking down the radicalism that began shortly after the First World War in the working class scenario of Canada. As a believer of extreme approaches, McLachlan wanted equal rights and social justice for all. His made his strategies to pave the path for future social changes. His contribution in shaping up the battle for justice for coal miners was enormous, and went a long way in the history of working class militancy in Canada. The leftist essence in the workers' revolt between 192 and 1940 was apparent as McLachlan wanted to maneuver the control of production. In addition to this, he also looked for long-term alternatives for the ownership and organization of the coal industry. Wealth production not at the cost of compromising with democratic setup at the workplaces was on top of his agenda. With the formation of Cape Breton Independent Labour Party during 1818, it was evident that new age Canadian labor movement did not want to repeat its past mistakes. The party agenda included a strong claim for working class ownership and democratic management of all social and transparent means of generating wealth for all. This kind of agenda, needless to mention, was not welcomed wholeheartedly by the royal commission. It was reported that granting public ownership to Breton Coal might cause disturbance and tension in the coal industry in general. The report, colored in favor of capitalism, suggested a state of compromised affairs in that it showed enough leniencies in accepting unions in organizations, but insisted on the implementation of market governance in terms of determining coal mining labor wages. However, the coal miners' union managed to wade through these turbulent times and managed to get protection under newly formulated mining laws. But after McLachlan's death, workers at the Breton Coal did not get the proposed benefits in terms of control and wages. Yet the search for establishing a respectable form of economic organization in the mining industries went on. It might be noted that during this period, political action did assume an important role in materializing the dreams of the coal miners. Labor politics became a potent tool after the First World War with regards to defending the cause of mine workers. McLachlan's eyes were set at the top level of labor politics. This was evident from the fact that he refrained himself from joining the territorial legislation in 1920, and waited for the opportunity to enter the House of Commons in Ottawa in the 1921 general election. Prior to the election, McLachlan vociferously campaigned for the prospects of a Farmer-Labor political alliance in Ottawa. It resulted in his eventual defeat, which, in turn, hampered the interest of the workers in Breton Coal Mines as well as other mines across Canada. The miners were refused to send their representatives to the House of Commons. This event showed how organizational activities within the vigilance of a government can be stifled. The economic depression that ensued after the Breton event was amended by the formation of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) in 1932 in Calgary, Alberta. It consisted of individuals as well as working class bodies, including the League for Social Reconstruction. The primary agenda of this agency was to initiate an economic regeneration through public cooperation. Socialists were also members of this federation, the most notable of them in the germinating period being J. S. Woodsworth as the party leader. In order to bring a change in the reeling condition of the labors in Canada, the CCF proposed a number of provisions including universal pension for workers, establishment of a welfare state, children's allowances, universal health insurance, unemployment insurance and workers' compensation. It believed that the prevalent capitalist setup was the root of all evils and strived to lessen the ill-effects of capitalist economic policies through well devised socialized planning. Loyalty to unions assumed a broader dimension as the workers were covered under safe and secured policies adapted by the CCF. Coming back to industrial unionism in post CCF era, tension began to mount again in the auto industry of Canada. The Oshawa strike in 1937 involved a sector (General Motors) which was responsible for mass level production in the country. In the long-term context of the history of Canadian labor, this strike had a significant bearing on the relationship between auto workers and the management. Previously ignorant of the benefits of employee organizational power, the auto workers became aware of industrial unionism after this strike. Labor movements went through a lean patch after the Oshawa strike from 1937 to 1939. This was due to the decrease in the number of members in the union. Immediately after the First World War, Canadian workers were able to exercise a greater control over the political and economic scenarios. The Royal Commission, as mentioned earlier, tried to dissuade the labors from asserting their rights, was challenged by the workers' union in Ontario. This event added to the list of beneficial outcomes triggered by industrial unionism between 1920 and 1940. The labor revolt in Ontario "articulated coherent alternatives to industrial capitalism. Corporate welfarism is one of several factors contributing to the decline of unionization in the 1920s and the failure to establish a "new democracy."" (MacDowell 233) The workers of the Imperial Oil were able to procure for themselves major grants in wages, working hours as well as savings schemes. This also brings to focus the agenda of the CCF where it was clearly indicated that workers' compensation would be given primal importance. So we have seen that how the course of Canadian history was determined by politicization of labor movements in the 1920s, and how it managed to break the shackles in the 1930s and 40s, especially with the help of the CCF. Indeed, the role of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation is impossible to undermine in the changing context of industrial unionism in the 1930s. Coming out of a economically lean patch perpetrated by corporate capitalism, the 1930s saw the emergence of worker-oriented policies recommended by the CCF. As the federation was run by Members of Parliament, the government was compelled to implement the recommendations made by its core body. By including unique healthcare policies, the CCF aimed at attaining a socialist political culture. The sheer optimism of such a reformist agenda attracted many intellectuals, would-be politicians and artists from all over the world. Socialism, an otherwise illusive term in those days, was on the verge of seeing a new daylight. Ever since the 20 year span mentioned in the thesis question, much care has been taken to lessen conflicts among the federal setups and management. The leftist essence, however revolutionary it may seem, is likely to cause troubles as far as setting a stable economy is concerned. This has been realized by the concerned Canadian authorities. Moderate unionism was encouraged later on, bearing in mind the lessons learnt from pre World War I times. Works Cited MacDowell, Laurel Sefton, and Ian Walter Radforth. Canadian Working-class History: Selected Readings. Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press, 2006. "The Canadian labour movement." Graphic Communications Conference of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. 1997-2006. 25 February 2009 Read More