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The pragmatic views of Abraham Lincoln - Essay Example

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Abraham Lincoln has been the most debated, analyzed, and scrutinized President in the history of the United States. He was a complex political genius who carried with him the charm of the average citizen.For this reason, Lincoln has often been misrepresented by anecdotes or attributed writings…
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The pragmatic views of Abraham Lincoln
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The Pragmatic Views of Abraham Lincoln Abraham Lincoln has been the most debated, analyzed, and scrutinized President in the history of the UnitedStates. He was a complex political genius who carried with him the charm of the average citizen. For this reason, Lincoln has often been misrepresented by anecdotes or attributed writings. While some scholars have argued that Lincoln's views on equality, race, and slavery shifted during the course of his career, this is a simplified look at many of his seemingly ambiguous positions. While in his writings and speeches there are references to a position that would allow some slavery in the antebellum period, his actions and words during the Civil War denounced slavery as a national evil. For Lincoln, these moral compromises were made for political expediency and pragmatism. Lincoln's views on race, slavery, and equality did not change throughout his career, but the shifting political foundations of the country dictated Lincoln's position as he strove to maintain a cohesive Union of states. There is an ample amount of primary reference material available for the study of Lincoln's political and personal views. The 1946 compilation Abraham Lincoln, His Speeches and Writings edited by Roy P. Basler is one of the more complete sources for this area of study. Carl Sanburg remarks in the preface of the book that, "...Abraham Lincoln, is best to be known by an acquaintance with all that he wrote and said."1 The key to Sandburg's notation is that to know Lincoln we must know all that he wrote and said. Words and paragraphs can not be taken out of context and viewed as a singular event. Lincoln must be studied as the complete man within the context of his political framework. A reader may be tempted to isolate one passage to evidence Lincoln's stand on slavery or equality, but would risk overlooking the greater and more predominate evidence. Only by reading Lincoln's words over the span of his career and the breadth of his lifetime can we begin to accurately portray the morality and motivations of Abraham Lincoln. In Lincoln's time, race was the central issue of slavery and equality. Lincoln understood that the treatment of race as a social issue, political platform, and moral obligation was central to the future of America. Early in his career he could see the destructive forces of slavery at work on the new nation. In a speech titled "The Perpetuation of our Political Institutions" addressed to the Young Men's Lyceum in Springfield Illinois on January 27, 1838 Lincoln warns, "If destruction be out lot, we must ourselves be its author and finisher. As a nation of freemen, we must live through all time, or die by suicide."2 This statement indicates Lincoln's early inclination to value a united Union that was free, and shows his depth of understanding that a divided Union would lead to self destruction. The speech is a stern lecture on the horrors of lynching slaves and admonishes the reader that respect for the law is the most important attribute in the maintenance of unity. While the speech is clearly aimed at the unconscionable actions taken by the "...pleasure hunting masters of Southern slaves.", it also contains a universal message of equality.3 Lincoln speaks of equality and its association with the respect for law when he writes, "And, in short, let it become the political religion of the nation; and let the old and the young, the rich and the poor, the grave and the gay, of all sexes and tongues, and colors and conditions, sacrifice unceasingly upon its altars."4 Basler points out that this speech, given when Lincoln was a young man and not yet active outside local politics, has been criticized as being "highly sophomoric".5 Yet, it illustrates Lincoln's core belief that the reverence for law and the moral obligation of equality will need to be shared by all Americans to build a successful future. The inequality of the elitist economic system was addressed in Lincoln's career while running for the General Assembly in Illinois. In an article announcing his candidacy that was published by the Sangamo Journal on March 9, 1832 Lincoln addresses the gap between the upper and lower tiers of the socio-economic ladder. He decries the high rates of interest charged on the practice of loaning money. He labels the "exorbitant rates" as a "...direct tax [...] for the benefit of a few individuals only."6 This is a suggestion that the poor need some legal protection from the exploitation of the wealthy. Lincoln further advocates for a free and public education in the same announcement. Lincoln valued education as the most important issue of the campaign.7 In the announcement he writes, "That every man might at least receive a moderate education [...] appears to be an object of vital importance."8 He contended that this would allow all men to read works of a "religious and moral nature" and thereby elevate their own sense of value and esteem.9 These viewpoints were some of Lincoln's earliest thoughts on equality. He envisioned that the road to economic parity would come from equal access to education, and the education he referred to was the education of morality. It should be noted that at the time of Lincoln's words he was a young man of only 23 years old. Yet, for Lincoln life was already built upon the rock of moral judgment. This could be viewed as the idealism of youth, but these tenets would stay with him throughout his lifetime. While Lincoln's early writings reflect his deep moral commitment to equality, these would become tempered as he entered the national political stage and faced the political realities of a dissolving Union. One of the first political realities that would confront Lincoln would be the Missouri Compromise of 1850 and the Fugitive Slave Law. When the compromise was repealed in 1854, Lincoln gave a speech in Peoria Illinois. The address which was given on October 16, 1854 was titled "The Repeal of the Missouri Compromise and the Propriety of its Restoration." In his lengthy speech Lincoln addresses his view of history with respect to slave and free states. He contends that the forefathers, and mainly Thomas Jefferson, originated the policy of prohibiting slavery in the new territory.10 This signals Lincoln's continued stand against slavery. However, his political stance is altered by the realities that faced him. There was a South that was deeply entrenched in slavery and depended on it for its economic vitality. There was the practical reality of freeing all the slaves in the Southern states that was pressured by public opinion. There was the reality of where the slaves would go if they were suddenly freed. Lincoln writes, "What then Free them all, and keep them among us as underlings Is it quite certain that this betters their condition"11 Lincoln was addressing the social and political realities of slavery. Just as the framers of the constitution had understood that it may be morally wrong, it existed and could only be abolished at some future date. These provisions were built into the constitution, but would have to be acceptable, both economically and politically, to be manageable by the Union. There are passages in this speech that could be construed as pro-slavery. Taken out of context and without a deep understanding of Lincoln, they could be viewed as Lincoln's changing philosophy. Lincoln writes, "What next - Free them, and make them politically and socially, our equals My own feelings will not admit of this; and if mine would, we well know that those of the great mass of white people will not. [...] A universal feeling, whether well or ill-founded, can not be safely disregarded."12 In addition, Lincoln took the political stand of being conciliatory to slave ownership and particularly the Southern states. The first glimpses of his desire to place the Union and its preservation above his own moral code can be detected in this speech. He appeasement of the South can be seen when he writes, "When Southern people tell us they are no more responsible for the origin of slavery, than we; I acknowledge the fact. When it is said that the institution exists, and it is very difficult to get rid of, in any satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate their saying."13 Still, it should be viewed as Lincoln's pragmatic approach to politics and the necessity of popular and public opinion to be on his side. It would not have served his purposes to be a moral, and unelectable, candidate. Even more ambiguous was his portrayal of the Fugitive Slave Law during this speech. The Fugitive Slave Law was questionable on legal and constitutional grounds. It was unpopular in the North and was deemed unconscionable by Abolitionists. There were legal questions about what constituted freedom and what deemed a slave free. The Northern states often took offense at being intruded upon by the South's hunting down and capturing escaped slaves. Yet, Lincoln addresses this issue on two fronts. First he addresses the political issue by stating the practical problems of the Fugitive Slave Law. Lincoln writes, "A white man takes his slave to Nebraska now; - Who will inform the negroe that he is free - Who will take him before court to test the question of his freedom"14 These are the underpinnings of Lincoln's deep held conviction on self-government. He continues in his speech, "My faith in the proposition that each man should do precisely as he pleases with all which is exclusively his own, lies at the foundation of the sense of justice there is in me."15 Yet, how can Lincoln reconcile his belief in self-government, his moral code, and the existence of slavery Lincoln relies on his conviction to the reverence of law, the political realities of the era, and the knowledge that he was entering the national arena and it would not serve him to be labeled a radical and become unelectable. Lincoln's reverence to the law in respect to the Fugitive Slave Law can be seen in his statements regarding the legality of the act. Further, you can sense the reaching out to the South in an effort to maintain their cohesiveness with the Union. The Fugitive Slave Law was one of the most unpopular pieces of legislation of this period. Yet, Lincoln was able to formulate his own justification for it. It was unpopular with Northerners and unconscionable to the Abolitionists. Still, Lincoln, the proprietor of moral values, spoke to the Southern Slave holders and said in his October 16, 1854 speech in Peoria, "When they remind us of their constitutional rights, I acknowledge them, not grudgingly, but fully, and fairly; and I would give them any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugitives..."16 Was this an abandonment of his ideals that were formulated as a young man, or simply a political tactic designed to disarm his opponents and serve his electoral vision There can be no doubt that these words were meant to placate the South and in no way indicated Lincoln's true intentions or thoughts. Lincoln was simply living up to his higher ideals of reverence for the constitution and a historical understanding that freedom would evolve slowly over the centuries. These seemingly shifting philosophies on politics and society are merely a reflection of Lincoln's political genius. In the speech of October 16, 1854 Lincoln seems to reconcile the country to a long existence with slavery. He has verified his belief in the constitutionality of the Fugitive Slave law. He has placated the Southern slave owners while justifying his reasoning to the Northerners and Abolitionists with the references to the constitutionality and his reverence for law. But, Lincoln was doing little more than pandering to the voting public. While 'pandering' may seem like a harsh and prejudicial term, it becomes more acceptable when we take Lincoln's view of a government 'by the people'. Morality, in Lincoln's mind, had taken a secondary position to the more pressing issues of popular support and constitutionality. Still, Lincoln had not abandoned his younger idealism in 1854. By now he was a seasoned politician of 45 years of age. Old enough to be elected president. In the speech he also makes clear his more idealistic position. Lincoln writes, "I particularly object to the NEW position which the avowed principle of this Nebraska law gives to slavery in the body politic. I object to it because it assumes that there can be MORAL RIGHT in the enslaving of one man by another."17 It is clear that Lincoln had not shifted his philosophical base. Can we believe that Lincoln's public statements and speeches from this period were little more than a way to prevent revolution in the South and maintain an avenue of justification for racist policies in the North These dilemmas and their attending contradictory ambiguities would be more closely illuminated by the Dred Scot decision and Lincoln's reaction to it. Dred Scott had sought his emancipation through all legal means. However, the Supreme Court ruled against him and indicated that he had neither grounds nor even a legitimate citizenship to sue from. To this point in time, Lincoln had respected the law, the legal process, and the legitimacy of the courts. However, with the Dred Scot decision we begin to see some areas of defiance in Lincoln's thinking. More than any other single event, the Dred Scot decision pulled Lincoln back to the roots of his moral authority. In a speech in Springfield Illinois on June 26, 1857 Lincoln states his support of the constitutional system and his support of the legal system. Lincoln writes, "We believe, as much as Judge Douglas, (perhaps more) in obedience to, and respect for, the judicial department of government. We think its decisions on Constitutional questions, when fully settled, should control, not only the particular cases decided, but the general policy of the country, subject to be disturbed only by amendments to the Constitution as provided in that instrument itself. More than this would be revolution."18 Lincoln had weighed the morality of the decision against the legality of the decision and had determined that the court had been biased and without confidence, respect, or facts. He makes his position clear when he says, "But we think the Dred Scot decision is erroneous."19 He reproaches Justice Douglas for perpetuating the disgust of the white man to the concept of the assimilation of the black man into society as a way to elevate his own popularity.20 Though it seemed as though Lincoln was being openly defiant to the court, he was, in fact, defending the Declaration of Independence. Lincoln was sensing the shift in politics away from the constitution and into the hands of tyrants. Lincoln proclaimed, "The assertion that "all men are created equal" was of no practical use in effecting our separation from Great Britain; and it was placed in the Declaration, not for that, but for future use."21 The views of Lincoln's moral, social, and political leanings were beginning to coincide. To hone his resentment against the court's decision on Dred Scot would take two more years of conciliation with the South as Lincoln began to set his sights on national politics, the 'House Divided' speech, and the coming great debates with Stephen Douglas. At the close of the Republican Convention on June 16,1858, Lincoln gave what would be remembered as his 'House Divided' speech in which he warned of the coming polarization, a constitutional crises, and the probability of civil war. This speech, more than any other, defined Lincoln's direction into the future. If there had been any question about Lincoln's resolve to eradicate slavery he eliminated it in this speech. He begins the speech with the statement, "I believe this government cannot endure, permanently half slave and half free."22 This statement was crucial because it did not commit Lincoln to anti-slavery policies. It also did not abandon the South. Lincoln had simply made it a winner take all arrangement. There would no longer be a South and a North, there would only be a Union. The Union may adopt slavery, or it may outlaw the practice. The power of the Union would be tested against the power of the states. This is exemplified when Lincoln writes, "...the constitution of the United States neither permits Congress nor a territorial legislature to exclude slavery from any United States territory, they all omit to declare whether or not the same constitution permits a state, or the people of a state to exclude it."23 This is Lincoln's brazen sarcasm and ironic wit that begins to define the state and the limits of their authority. The battle on slavery was beginning to be fought on the battlefield of states' rights. The court's position was articulated by Judge Nelson who declared, "except in cases where the power is restrained by the Constitution of the United States, the law of the State is supreme over the subject of slavery within its jurisdiction."24 The coming years would demonstrate Lincoln's dedication to equality and the elimination of slavery by his willingness to enforce the most extreme premises of the constitution. In a letter dated June 12, 1863 Lincoln stood steadfastly by his goal of guaranteeing equality and the elimination of slavery by utilizing the provisions of the Constitution that the framers had placed into it 90 years earlier. The 'House Divided' speech had drawn a line in the sand between the pro-slavery and the anti-slavery camps five years earlier. It had led to the secession of the South and the Civil War. By 1863, in the middle of the Civil War, we can see the depths of Lincoln's resolve. He writes, "Ours is a case of rebellion - so called by the resolution before me - in fact, a clear, flagrant, and gigantic case of rebellion; and the provisions of the Constitution that "the privilege of the writ of habeus corpus shall not be suspended unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it."25 By the year 1863, the president was defending the Union on constitutional grounds that had as their foundation the right to freedom and equality. In a letter to General N.P. Banks dated August 5, 1863 Lincoln solidifies his position as an abolitionist. He tells the General, "As an anti-slavery man I have a motive to desire emancipation, which pro-slavery men do not have..."26 The idealism of the young Lincoln was coming into fruition of the President Lincoln. His attitudes and ideals had not changed, but he had become more hardened in his resolve. The debates for the US Senate seat in Illinois were very revealing, not only into Lincoln's mind, but also his political aspirations and strategies. These debates, the first of which was held in Ottawa Illinois, placed Lincoln on the map as a national candidate. However, his views are shrouded in continued acquiescence to the South. In the debate Lincoln states, "I will say here, while upon this subject, that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists."27 Lincoln was careful to choose his words. Even in these times of polarized political thought, Lincoln was able to place his agenda on the front burner. While much of the debate revolved around the issue of slavery and racial equality, Lincoln was able to confront the topic through indirect references. In the Ottawa debate, Lincoln refers back o the ideas that were presented in Springfield. "I said in that speech, and I meant no more, that the institution of slavery ought to be placed in the very attitude where the framers of this government placed it, and left it."28 Lincoln was referring to his earlier words and stresses the view that he had not altered his philosophical basics. He had simply allowed public opinion and electoral bias to come into direct alignment with his position. Lincoln recaps the Springfield words when he says, "I did not express my wish on anything. In that passage I indicated no wish nor purpose of my own; I simply expressed my expectation."29 Lincoln was solidifying his position against slavery that he had acquired as a young man running for the general assembly in Illinois. However, the stakes were much higher now, and the increased national attention on Lincoln would not go unnoticed by his supporters. To this point in his career, Lincoln had not been forced to take a radical or firm stance against slavery as a moral issue. It had been relegated to the realm of academic debate about the constitutionality of slavery and freedom. However, in a speech dated September 11, 1858 Lincoln codified his argument in Edwardsville, Illinois,. He defines the Republican position and commits himself and the party to take extreme action against slavery. He talks of the Republican party and says, "...this government was instituted to secure the blessings of freedom, and that slavery is an unqualified evil to the negroe, to the white man, to the soil, and to the state."30 By this point in Lincoln's career there would be no turning away from the question of slavery. Though it has been argued that the slavery issue was a matter of states' rights and the opportunity for self-government, there is little doubt that by 1858 Lincoln had dedicated his candidacy and political future on the tenet that slavery must be abolished. These views were not a departure from his views as a young idealist. Lincoln had always sought an avenue to the end of slavery and a more pragmatic outlook on equality. Though the cessation of the Southern staes would not occur for another three years, by the end of 1858 Lincoln had made his stance on slavery and race abundantly clear. Scholars have argued that the Civil War was a war about states' rights and the power of the Federal government. Yet, make no mistake about it, it was Lincoln's war to abolish slavery. In an address to a gathering of Germans on February 12, 1861 Lincoln asserts, "It is not my nature, when I see people borne down by the weight of their shackles - the oppression of tyranny - to make their life more bitter by heaping upon them greater burdens, but rather I would do all in my power to raise the yoke, than to add anything that would tend to crush them."31 Lincoln had stood steadfast in the eye of slavery. He had overcome the constitutional questions of freedom and placed his moral judgments on par with his political realities. As a young man Lincoln understood the inequality of slavery and the burden that society had placed upon race. His words of the 1830s were the same words that would be echoed in the Emancipation Proclamation and the Gettysburg address. Lincoln's views on these monumental issues did not change, but political realities allowed him to pursue the intentions of the framers of the constitution. Lincoln did not change, he simply took advantage of the political opportunity. He could allow the moral compromise on slavery as long as it would serve his higher ideals of preserving the Union. Lincoln understood that preserving the Union would leave the constitution intact and make it available for the future of human and civil rights. However, when this became untenable, Lincoln drew upon his moral obligation to equality that transcended the political and electoral considerations. Lincoln did not change, the political and social fabric came unraveled just long enough for him to redirect America's views on race, slavery, and equality. References Roy P. Basler, Abraham Lincoln, His Speeches and Writings (Cleveland and New York: The World Publishing Company), 1946, xviii Read More
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