African American studies - Essay Example

6 May The experience of being Black is unique among North American ethnic minorities. African Americans are the largest ethnic minority in the United States, but they are the only group of people(s) that in 1619, entered Western society against their will and were then victimized by two hundred years of slavery. The evolution of slavery aided in the development of a racist ideology that promoted the belief that blacks are inferior to whites, a myth that persisted long after slavery was abolished, and one that is deeply embedded within our national discourse. Cultural racism, such as this, fosters a “we” and “they” mentality, a state of mind that is maintained through the socialization of new generations. The abolition of slavery did not mean that blacks were accepted by the dominant white society. The racist ideology that emerged out of the slavery system continued to influence how whites perceived blacks. Wilson (1973) explains “Whites rejected slavery as an acceptable institution in the North but were unwilling to endorse the view that blacks should receive social, economic and political equality” (Marger, 228), exemplifying how the negative belief systems of the plantations were deeply engrained in American culture after two hundred years of slavery. Unable to accept blacks as equals to themselves, white Americans relied increasingly upon the system of segregation, as a means to communicate the message. [Student 2] Segregation between blacks and whites was reinforced by a system of racial etiquette. The 1896 Supreme Court “separate but equal” decision failed to clearly define equality, and as a result, the separation of facilities for blacks and whites created a need to clarify the social positions of the dominant white class. Racialized etiquette stretched from prohibiting interracial marriage, to blacks not being allowed to shake hands with whites. Marger (1991) found that segregation was routinely upheld by the threat of physical harm, saying “blacks in the South could be dealt with in almost totally unrestrained fashion. Where legal techniques were found inadequate, extralegal measures were used” (230), showing despite their free status, blacks were still expected to “keep their place,” or suffer violent consequences. Lynching was regularly employed as a means to enforce the status quo, with over thirty-six hundred cases recorded between 1884 and 1914. Relations between blacks and whites became increasingly violent in character during the World War I era in America’s history. Black workers were competing openly with whites for jobs and housing, causing tensions to rise between the two groups. Having been denied political participation and strictly segregated in nearly all areas of their social lives, blacks found that their socioeconomic opportunities were severely limited. Race riots occurred in several American cities and discontent among the black population continued to rise. These hostile conditions continued into the World War II period, when more jobs became available to black workers. In addition to the economic opportunities provided by WWII, the conditions under which it was fought allowed Americans to re-examine their own racist logic. The racist ideology practiced at home was inconsistent with the ideals they fought for in the war against Nazi Germany, a racist regime. Also, according to Marger (1991) racist policies at home were viewed [Student 3] as an “international liability” (235) when dealing with non-white nations. These changes in the national racial attitude, along with the 1954 Supreme Court decision in the case of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, helped push the advancement of black right civil rights. By the early 1970’s, the system of segregation had been fully dismantled and white supremacist groups, such as the Klu Klux Klan, were no longer supported. The historical relations between blacks and whites will remain in the collective narrative for many generations. America’s historical racist discourse provides a foundation for understanding the behaviors and racist attitudes that underlie modern race relations. Today, racist beliefs and practices continue to saturate American society in the form of “Democratic Racism,” or “an ideology that permits and sustains people’s ability to maintain two apparently conflicting sets of values” (Henry, 2006, 15). Gone are the days of explicitly expressing racist ideas, however, the implicit expression of racist ideology is nonetheless alive and equally damaging. Three hundred years of racist ideology became fixed in the ways Americans came to view themselves and the world. Therefore, it stands to reason that a large segment of the American population hold racist attitudes to some degree, while simultaneously living in a modern society that believes in Democracy. The concept of Democratic Racism is reinforced by cultural and social factors and can be both aversive and symbolic in its expression by the dominant group. Aversive racism was first identified by Kovel (1970), stating that “Aversive racists are prejudiced but do not act in discriminatory ways. Some avoid contact with Blacks and other minorities, but when contact is unavoidable, they are polite” (Henry, 2006, 21), demonstrating the superficial nature inherent in aversive racism. This attitude is closely aligned with symbolic racism, described by Sears (1973) [Student 4] as an attitude in which “abstract moral assertions are made about Blacks’ behavior as a group, concerning what Blacks deserve, how they ought to act, whether or not they are treated equitably, and so on” (Henry, 2006, 21) and can be seen in acts such as voting for White rather than Black candidates and opposing equitable actions. Resistance can be manifested openly, but more commonly, it is expressed in indirect forms of discourse and framed as discussions concerning tolerance towards “others.” In this respect, there seems to be an extremely limited understanding of what racism actually is in public discourse. Despite the forms of racism that persist in the present generations’ collective discourse, I strongly believe that we are moving towards real, effective change in the matter of race relations. In 2009, Barack Obama assumed office as the first black President of the United States, a symbolic gesture of inclusivity, which challenges the racialized myths and assumptions that previously dominated discourse concerning American identity. However, the election of a black president can also be viewed as a token effort to produce positive meaning associated with black skin color. This could prove to be problematic in the national struggle for cultural stability if it does not correspond with Liberal values, such as individual rights over collective group rights, freedom of expression and a commitment to human right and equality. In the novel The Fire Next Time (1963), James Baldwin describes how he experiences the paradox of being granted freedom, while simultaneously being subjected to the discriminatory policies and social inequality that heavily characterized the early half of the 20th century, and in some ways, prevail today. The title is taken from a slave song: “God gave Noah the rainbow sign, No more water, the fire next time!” (Baldwin, 141) and offers an uninviting look at what might happen if racial injustices continue into the future. Throughout his book, [Student 5] Baldwin pleads with Americans to love, accept and understand each other, saying “if the word integration means anything, this is what it means: that we, with love, shall force our brothers to see themselves as they are, to cease fleeing from reality and begin to change it” (21); thus, illuminating the novels’ major theme, that love and understanding is integral to the healing process. I believe that Americans have come to understand enough of their past, so that we might not run the risk of a “fire the next time” moment. I hope that my own and future generations make a commitment to furthering that understanding and arrive at acceptance, for as Baldwin claims “To accept one’s past—one’s history—is not the same thing as drowning in it; it is learning how to use it” (111), revealing that the solutions to the present often reside in our collective past. [Student 6] 2. The origin of racial segregation in sports can be traced back to the 1867 decision of the National Association of Base Ball Players (NABBP) that banned African American players and teams from the game. This decision was sustained by a pervasive cultural attitude that asserted Blacks were incapable of behaving in a gentlemanly fashion and moreover, it was believed that racism would be averted by banning Blacks from the league. However, professional “white teams” valued winning games over the NABBP’s decision and started to sign contracts with a few gifted Black baseball players or “Superspades,” such as John “Bud” Fowler and Moses Fleetwood Walker. Superspades were expected to provide superior performances to their teammates to justify their presence on a predominantly white team. They were unable to simply contribute to the teams’ success; they were strategically selected so that they might carry the team to victory. Over the first few decades of the 20th century, intercollegiate sport brought forth a few more opportunities for Black participation in sport. Black student athletes were typically from upper-middle-class families and had attended private Black schools in the South. According to Wiggins (1991), by the end of the 1800’s these Black student athletes valued academic success over sport, but few schools in the North would accept them on anything but their athletic ability (Spence, 29). Much like the Black professional athlete, African American academic youth were expected to give superior performances in return for their athletic scholarships. This form of structural racism at the root level profoundly impacted not only the Black athlete, but also ‘Black Sport’ and the Black community as a whole. Even though Black athletes were not explicitly [Student 7] banned from attending the predominantly white colleges, they were routinely shunned on the grounds of athletic ability rather than race. For African American youth, sport became a means of negotiating and navigating the barriers presented by the widespread discrimination and dominant racist attitudes of the time. The perception that sport offered Black youth unique opportunities to advance socially and economically, impacted Black subculture by re-shaping social values held by the Black community concerning academic and athletic achievement. Black males began to spend a greater amount of time refining their athletic skills in hopes of obtaining an athletic scholarship. Also, there was a corresponding cultural shift in the ways that the Black family and community came to value and reward athletic achievement. Edwards’ (1992) research provides evidence that this belief persists today, maintaining “Black parents to be four times more likely than White parents to view their children’s participation in sport not as mere recreation, but as a start down the road to a professional sports career” (Spence, 64). The high degree of emphasis placed on athletic achievement sends the message that for many Blacks, a career in sport is the only way to improve upon their socioeconomic position. Unfortunately, moving the focus away from academic achievements and placing it on athletic abilities, causes a disproportionate number of Black athletes to emerge from their college years without an education that is useful to a life outside professional sports. The overemphasis placed on athletic achievement has both positive and negative impacts on youth in the Black community. Sport participation has a well-documented history of having a strong positive influence on youth development. For instance, sport participation can help reinforce community beliefs and values by promoting the importance of hard work, teamwork [Student 8] and character. However, those who do not make it to the professional level find they are left with limited career options. Also, it is worth mentioning here that the heavy emphasis on sport, which at the time was segregated, reduced opportunities for the Black athlete to develop personal relationships. According to Jordan and Denson (1990) “Black student athletes found themselves associating only with other student athletes, or living in isolation” (Spence, 84). The training and dedication needed to excel at sport, left insufficient time for the Black student athlete to attend many of the social and cultural activities that help in the formation of personal relationships. Taken as a whole, racial segregation in sport perpetuated and informed the racist attitudes at the turn of the 20th century. It wasn’t until 1954 that the case of Brown v. The Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas declared segregation to be unconstitutional. However, desegregation did not automatically translate to full integration. The consequences of improperly educating Black athletes due to segregation in sport, have led to serious implications for both the Black individual and the Black community. Research shows that poor education often leads to higher rates of crime, delinquency and unemployment. The racist ideas and attitudes that underscore segregation in sport are embedded in our national culture. The solution to the problem of racism lies in our present ability to construct a multitude of anti-racist and progressive approaches that strives to create a cultural experience, which is inclusive, truthful and respectful for all members of the human race. [Student 9] Works Cited Abel, Elizabeth. Signs of the Times. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2010. Print. Baldwin, James. The Fire Next Time. New York: Dell Publishing Co. Inc., 1963. Print. Henry, Frances and Carol Tator. The Color of Democracy. 3rd ed. Canada: Thompson Canada Limited, 2006. Print. Marger, Martin. Race and Ethnic Relations: American and Global Perspectives. 2nd ed. California: Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1991. Print. Spence, Christopher. The Skin I’m In. Nova Scotia: Fernwood Publishing, 1999. Print. Read More