The critical race theory - Essay Example

12.6.11 According to Stefanic in critical theory, white privilege is form of idealizing racial transgressions that concentrate on the merits that white people amass from society as on the demerits that people of color go through. Conversely, this theory concentrates on the European and American cultural condition, as inequality between non-white and whites is a reality to contend with in this academic area. However, white privilege is dissimilar from conditions of extreme vestiges of racism and/ or prejudice, whereupon the predominant race actively finds it rational to oppress other racial tribes for their own gain. Similarly, theories of white privilege stipulate that the whites perceive their social, economic and cultural knowledge as a custom that everyone should experience, as opposed to a merit that should be kept at the expense of others (5-9). This normative discernment unreservedly restrains the discourse of racial dissimilarity within the predominate discussion. Ideally, such interpretations are limited certain particulars which are detailed to downgraded racial groups. These disadvantaged groups are assumed as having failed to realize the norm. Ironically, the resort concentrates on what should be done with a view to helping those racial groups accomplish the normal principles experienced by whites (Stefanic 22-24). Stefani argues that the theories of privilege affirm discussions on racial dissimilarity do not genuinely discuss variations between Non-white and whites social status. Come to think of it, these theories only converse about the malfunction of non-white racial groups to accomplish normal white status. This supposition on the hand turns the subject of race into a problem which doesn’t involve white racial groups (12-14). Racialization of individuality and ethnic downgrading of blacks and the colored formed the basis for ideological slavery and subjugation. Whiteness satisfies the expansive ideas of property as illustrated by classical theorists. Granted, whiteness stipulated the legal position of a person as free or a slave. White individuality awarded corporeal and valuable privileges. Ownership of property included the privileges of use and enjoyment. If these privileges were essential characteristics of property, it was the individuality of whiteness that had to enjoy them. Whiteness was perceived as an aspect of individuality and property significance because it is something that can be experienced and dispatched as a resource (Stefanic 133-137). The United States is the patron of race subornation. In this context, the dominion of legal associations, judicial explanation of racial individuality primed on the white supremacy replicate that race underestimation at the institutional level. By metamorphosizing white into whiteness, the law disguises the ideological aspect of racial interpretation. The overall assertion of theories of white privilege is that the lack of racial equality can’t be determined only by looking at the life circumstances of the underprivileged groups. In this context, they thus state that imperative solutions to the viable challenges of lack of racial equality can be accomplished by overtly talking about the inherent merits that whites as a privileged racial group uphold in the community (Stefanic 77-76). According to Stefanic in the period of nineteenth century, the retinues of white laborers, while they were reimbursed relatively minimal wages, were remunerated in general through a public and psychological wage. These white laborers were also accorded public distinction and titles of honor since they were simply white. They were acknowledged unquestionably well with all other groups of white people of to best public schools, public places, and or public functions. Some of them were recruited into the American police. Additionally, these groups of people were treated with laxity by the American courts with a view to encouraging lawlessness. Besides, they freely voted for American public officials (185-188). However, this had a measly impact on the economic situation, but it comparatively had an effect on their individual treatment and acknowledgement show to them. However, there were vestiges of inequality in most colored schools. Most of the color schools were second class. Ironically, the then American newspapers gave a corresponding patronage which was bent on gratifying the poor whites .Additionally; the biased Fifth Estate almost gave the Negros a media blackout. In this case, the newspapers specialized on news that showed the Negros either involved in crime or murder (Stefanic 55-57). . In the same context, the gap between the rich and the poor was purely farfetched. The majority whites had more privileges to amass wealth than the colored. Some organizations concerned with the making of wealth were open completely to whites. Additionally, it was only the whites who were promoted to other important ranks in top government positions. Education privileges exclusively overlooked the colored people; it was only the white who enjoyed such benefits (Stefanic 105-106). This sense of mutual exclusiveness only portrays to a large extent the inherent nature of heritage of race in the United States. Even today, the wealth gap between the white and non-whites still is present. Flush American whites have the privilege of bequeathing their enormous wealth to their children in from of legacy and assets, therefore, instilling the lack equality in wealth distribution. Additionally, the existing dissimilarities in wealth are aggravated by tax policies. According to Stefanic, the privilege of bequeathing wealth from one generation to another only puts whites at an advantage. This wealth becomes the foundation of many whites to actual success. On the same length, majority of whites obtain fiscal assistance from their wealthy parents, thus making them to spend beyond their means. In turn, this puts them in the position of affording better houses, and major assets which assist them in amassing wealth through investments. Contrary, even the African Americans who are privileged cannot amass wealth as quickly as the whites. This is a cyclic thing that continues to promote the whites, and which still continues to have dynamic effects on the society (20-23). Stefanic argues that employment in America was intoned with racism. Ideally, employment only benefited the whites at the expense of whites. More white graduates continued to be employed, while their black counterparts languished in the backwater of unemployment. These white graduates were employed in experienced trades, were paid better, occupied higher rank positions, got promotions and hardly experienced long periods of unemployment. Since the white and black graduates left school with similar qualifications and skills, the disparity in unemployment can be accredited to race. The existence of connection in the skilled trades also contributed in creating more employment for white fresh graduates. Ideally, the whites dominate over the white color job; therefore, they no doubt give different forms of support to those within the perimeter of their social network, most likely the whites (30-32). On the contrary, bigotry in housing policies was made official in 1934 by the Federal Housing Act. Ideally, this Act provided for the private home buyers with government credit. This Act also provided for the Federal Housing Agency that it had the mandate to control all the money to white home buyers as opposed to non-whites. The Federal Housing Agency also directed the money away from underprivileged city dwellers. Instead, it channeled the money towards white home buyers. This farfetched practice was intoned with racial discrimination (Stefanic 40-48). According to Stefanic, American Education tenets have contributed greatly to the creation and intensification of white privilege. Ideally, some schools in the United States discriminate students on the basis of their abilities. Consequently, this has intensified the rate of white student education privilege. Either way, this clearly shows the unbalanced class familiarity of non- white students. Pre-existing research has proved that the examination that the blacks and colored people are analyzed on is racially prejudiced. In this context, the examination puts only partial consideration on language and other topics. For instance, examination instructions somewhat disadvantaged the non-white child (67-80). It is unbelievable that the lack of equality in education is still persistent in the United States. Coming to think of it, this form of inequality is correlated to housing. In United States of America, the states have a responsibility of determining the funding of schools through appropriate taxes. For that matter, schools which are situated in flashier neighborhoods are privileged to get more bursaries per student (Stefanic 89-90). Given that the costs of whites’ houses are relatively higher than those of non-whites or colored people, neighborhood schools receive scholarships through appropriate taxes. Without doubt, with such massive funding, most white’s schools are reassured of advanced technology, small teacher to student ratio, highly qualified teachers. In short, such privilege reassures white students of a better education. Conversely, minorities’ students do not have access to quality education; in short, most of them are disadvantaged. Most of black and colored students fail to be put in honors classes. This group of students is vulnerable in many ways, and can easily be suspended from school (Stefanic 112-120). In conclusion, Whiteness as a property has produced a heavy heritage. On the other hand, whiteness as a result has confined the community to the mechanisms of authority that work against the majority by preserving homogeneous concentration on relics of universal racialized benefit which downgrades those viewed as special few. Additionally, whiteness has also not only disillusioned the ethnic justice but also perceptions of property which supports more impartial promises (Stefanic 100-109). Work Cited Stefanic, Jean. Critical Race Theory: An Introduction. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2001. Print. Read More