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The 1979 Iranian Revolution is ‘Never’ Successful According to some scholars, the governing clerics originally thought that the intellectuals and technocrats were inconsequential and that the state machinery could be transformed into something simpler to complement their motives (Lotfalian, 2009). It has been argued that Khomeini’s belief that the institutions of religious education are able to supervise state affairs is accurate. The requirements and value of the state were relaxed to suit the experience and knowledge of those occupying important government positions (Ganji, 2003).
But it is the contention of this paper that Iran has greatly endured this ruinous strategy of ‘loyalty to the regime above technical and professional competence’ (Ganji, 2003, 209). The administration of the Akhonds has been unsuccessful in all aspects of nation building. Pervasive corruption has deeply worsened the impacts of its ineffectiveness, ignorance, and preferential treatment. The utmost justification of Akhond’s rule was that they would abolish the reliance of Iran on foreign countries and would be genuinely self-sufficient and autonomous.
Their regime was to play as an exemplar for ‘the exploited and poor nations’ (Milani, 1993, 359). The rule was to consolidate the Muslim societies across the globe. Its objective was to communicate its revolution to every Islamic community. Yet, the agricultural and industrial sectors of Iran, according to Milani (1993), are wobbling and more reliant on overseas support and imports than ever before. Multinational firms and foreign investors are now gaining more success to the detriment of the local population.
The revolution is greatly opposed and ruined in Iran that even the proposal for its transmission to other Muslim communities seems absurd. There are arguments that the Iranian revolution successfully attained its objective and ideology for building a new society. It commenced with a vow to improve the standard of living and build a democratic, just, and free society. Yet, it is the contention of this paper that after three decades, what the 1979 Iranian revolution has actually created is a system that has neither a rational or avant-garde foundation, nor a revolutionary blueprint for the nation.
According to Kazemi (2003), it fails to carry a humanistic and moral bases and religious authority. Fundamentally, it has become an arrogant, authoritarian regime. The mullahs have been successful in retaining their powers through frauds, corruptions, and violence, yet their status is quite unsteady at present (Ganji, 2003). Obviously they have proved that they are willing to take any measure to remain in power, such as prioritizing over Islam the reinforcement of political control and to the detriment of the people and the nation.
The leader of the invincible Assembly of Experts, Akhond Ali Meshkini, proclaimed in 2000 that “Ayatollah Khamenei’s powers are absolute and subject to no limitations of any kind. Popular elections have no influence on the matter. Until divine justice is restored on earth, he has guardianship over the goods and the souls of men”
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