Genuine Disparities and White Mans Burden - Essay Example

?Introduction Foreign aid is a common feature of richer nations. Each year, billions of dollars are given by richer nations to poorer nations in the world. These arrangements are meant to promote development and bridge the development gaps between different nations and their citizens. There have been various reasons that have been attributed to the transfer of aid from richer nations to poorer nations. However, some of these approaches have been criticized for being detrimental to the societies of recipient nations. Due to this, there have been some changes in the approach for the provision of aid. This paper examines the question of how and why foreign aid is perceived as an essential part of OECD states' foreign policy. In doing this, the paper will examine the position of international aid in the global society. This will be done by investigating the background of foreign aid and cross-border donor activities. The research will identify the challenges in providing development in poor nations and the issues with using force. From these analyses, the paper will move on to look at new trends in aid amongst OECD nations and their motivations for this. Genuine Disparities and White Man's Burden “White Man's Burden” is a poem by an English poet, Rudyard Kipling. It was published in an American newspaper in 1899 and referred to the imperial aspirations by the United States towards the Philippines Islands (Margolis, 2009). The poem described the burden of the White race to assist and help the poor and less developed nations in the world around that time to build the proper infrastructure and live a live that was of the best merit for the citizens. At the time White Man's Burden was written, most nations around the world were highly backward. Some of them maintained social and cultural systems that barely allowed them to overcome nature and survive. Europe and other Eurocentric nations ruled by persons of European origins like the United States, Canada, Australia and the Cape Colony of South Africa were absolutely advanced. These nations had the rightful political structures that were steeped in the rule of law, democracy and the separation of power. The nations had formal educational structures that complemented the concept of work. Through this, people were equipped with skills in structured educational systems and were presented into the labour force to work and earn remuneration in a formal manner. However, most nations, particularly those in the southern hemisphere had structures that had faced serious setbacks. On a basic analysis, two important reasons can be used to explain this. First of all, most of these communities in Africa, Asia and South America was highly isolated from the rest of the world. And due to that, they could not share ideas with other nations. Secondly, these nations included persons with major diversity differences that made it impossible for such nations to unite on the basis of a common language, common institutions in order to create the rightful environment for democracy and nation-building. On the contrary, Europe had a few languages that formed the basis for the cohesion of huge nations. Also, the role of the Church as a unifying institution created the right framework for Europe to build modern nations (Viault, 1990). So at the turn of the 20th Century, Europe and persons of European origin were way ahead of other nations around the world. The poem, White Man's Burden signified the need for Europeans to spread the institutional structures and systems to developing countries and in the case of the 1899 publication, it was meant to show Americans the need to take up a colonial obligation in the Philippines. The poem showed that imperialism was not only about exploiting poorer nations but also, sharing development and promoting better livelihoods in less developed nations in Africa, Asia and South America (Margolis, 2009). Today, the White Man's Burden continues to subsists. Although most nations in the developed world are overwhelmingly multicultural, there is the need for developed nations like European nations and Eurocentric nations to continue to provide some kind of support to poorer nations around the world. Nations like the United States and France have significant non-European populations but they continue to maintain the highest standards of economic growth and development and hence, there is still the obligation for supporting and nurturing developing in the least developed nations around the world. International Relations & Global Equity The destructions of the Second World War cast a slur on the image of Europe as the most advanced and the most civilized nation on earth (Watson, 1989). The scale of damage, genocide and disrespect for human rights was incredible. Due to this, there was the need for the international community to come together to promote the respect for human rights and peaceful coexistence as well as economic advancement (Watson, 1989). This led to the creation of international groups like the United Nations and its many agencies. This led to the formation of different groups to assist in the fight for human rights, democracy and development. The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) was founder in 1961 by 34 countries to stimulate economic progress and world trade through the promotion of free market ideals, democracy and good governance (Chapman, 1996). The operations of the OECD has led to various actions and activities that has led to the giving of aid to less developed nations particularly in Africa, Asia and Latin America. In the context of international relations and the promotion of global equity, there are many angles through which According to Smith, there is an obligation in international relations that arises from the principles of humanism, for richer nations, particularly those who are members of the OECD to give to the poor and less developed nations of the world (2012). This is based on the principle of cosmopolitanism which suggests that there is a moral obligation for people to promote equality and help the disadvantaged. Smith argues that nations like the richer nations around the world are obliged to value human life and help the poor and disadvantaged even if they do not have any legal obligation to do so. There is the need to use regional organisations to promote peace and limit violence and human rights abuses (Wheeler and Bellamy, 2005). This means that there is the need for humanitarian groups to mobilise forces and use moderate force where the need arises. And this has been applied in the cases of Congo, Lebanon and other parts of the world where armed conflict has risen up (Wheeler and Bellamy, 2005). This suggest that the need for humanitarianism can be viewed from two angles, the donation element and the use of force where the need arises. Amitai Etzioni comes up with the argument of communitarianism which asserts that in modern international relations, the old system of relying on government and state institution is dying out (2009). Actors in the international community like transnational organisations and humanitarian groups need to work across borders in the quest to promote a good and healthy society. Processes and Costs of Using Force In response to the need to help develop nations, the New Labour Party (1997 - 2005) of Britain drew a plan that sought to promote development around the world. These promises, amongst others helped to get Prime Minister Tony Blair elected into office. In terms of assisting less developed nations, they said that: 1. They will set up an ethical framework for Britain's foreign policy. 2. They will mobilize the G-8 to come together to help Africa (Williams, 2005). However, commentators like Taylor argue that the presentations they made were in theory only and could not do much to help the African people (2012). Nonetheless, the New Labour promise of 1997 was to promote human rights as an essential part of foreign policy (Williams, 2005). The Labour party promised that British foreign policy construction will be based on freedom not forced conditions. Also, the the principle of 'non-interference' was to remain a priority although the aid 'must be qualified in certain respects' (Williams, 2005: 7). This means that the Labour party promised to give aid to support the promotion of development of nations in other parts of the world. However, events happened quickly in the middle of these process where the September 11th attacks came up in 2001 and there was the need for developed nations to take action to halt the advancement of Islamic fundamentalism. In doing this, the US president sought allies in the 'War on Terror'. This led to an urgent need to blend militarism with humanitarianism and destroy dangerous national structures that support terrorism and replace them with humanitarian and more sensitive national structures in nations cited for being hotspots for terrorism. This led to two military interventions in Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003). Although the Afghan invasion was touted as justified and necessary to rebuild a former Cold War allied nation that had plunged into chaos, the war on Iraq was seen as an optional war. Many people spoke against the invasion and there were many demonstrations against the US President and the British Prime Minister. However, they went ahead with military action and it led to major problems. President Bush and Prime Minister Blair argued that they were going to liberate Iraq and replace the tyrant regime of Saddam Hussein with a democratic government. A BBC investigation published by Lancet in 2007 indicated that 655,000 people died in that intervention (Murray, 2007). Millions of Iraqis were displaced and they had a terrible life as refugees in neighbouring lands. On the balance of probabilities, it was clear that the use of force to attempt to install democracy came at extremely high costs. The death toll of 655,000 was much more than what the previous regimes of Iraq had caused and this indicates that the use of force and militarism to impose democracy and capitalism on a given nation is not always easy and the price Western nations and the affected nations have to pay are enormous. This indicates that democracy and development ought to be spread through peaceful means. This is because war is expensive in terms of human lives and property. This leaves aid as the only credible and universally acceptable way of supporting development and self-sufficiency in poorer nations around the world. Challenge in Aid Logically, it can be argued that a poor nation or continent would be less poor if it gets aid. It can be assumed that such persons would be less poorer and poverty would be reduced through aid. This therefore means that there is a justification of the provision of aid by developed countries. However, some authorities argue against aid to developed countries. Glennie argues that “official aid to Africa (that is money given by governments or international financial institutions funded by governments as distinct from private charity giving) has many harmful effect that have actually increased poverty in Africa and put off the development of states capable of fulfilling the rights and needs of African citizens” (2008: 2). According to Glennie, the giving of aid to governments of poorer nations leads to more poverty this is because the people in government lack credible checks and balances. This leads to corruption and misapplication of funds. Worse of all, this leads to the destruction of democracy because the corrupt officials use the aid to consolidate their hold on power and remain in control. An explanation for this trend is that Africa and the poorer continents of the world have the weakest and the most artificial states (Chapman, 1996). Due to this, the nations have major issues with cohesion and the human resource and social infrastructure are highly limited. Due to this, the governments abuse authority and override their power and jurisdiction. This leads to widespread corruption and the threat of civil war from time to time. There is therefore the need to use aid as a tool for the positive construction of these continents rather than to support these destructive trends and practices. There is therefore the need for assistance to mainstream civil society, emerging and independent grassroot based development agencies, think tanks and policy advocacy institutions (Glennie, 2008). This is because the officials in the continent do not really spread out the aid to the commoners like farmers, workers, teachers and ordinary members of the society (Glennie, 2008). There is therefore the need for some meaningful actions to promote the fair distribution of wealth in poorer nations and enhance democracy and the rule of law. This will ensure that aid is used in the right way and manner and not abused by those in authority. Current Trends: Conditionalities Clearly, from the discussions above, it is apparent that militarism comes at an extremely high cost in promoting democracy, transparency and economic liberalisation. Also, just giving aid is not something that will help to promote the humanitarian development of poorer states around the world. This is because it is likely to be stolen or misused by those who head public institutions in some of these countries. However, some new kinds of aid provide the best solutions to the OECD's quest to bridge the gap between rich nations and the poorest nations in the world. This is the provision of conditional aid to help to consolidate institutions and promote rapid development of the commoners in the poorest countries. This is clearly in line with OECD's vision and the member states' desire to provide humanitarian support in good faith to poorer nations around the globe. In 2004, the United States launched the Millennium Challenge Corporation which was an independent agency for the reward of the world's most impoverished nations (Hook, 2008). This involved the provision of aid on condition that the nations agreed to take neoliberal economic and political reforms. The convergence of widely shared principles and casual beliefs was meant to promote democracy and help to mediate in these nations and economies. This was to be done through: 1. Changes in societal theories. 2. Diffusion of transnational norms. 3. Theories of domestic policy 4. Social constructivism and rationalist conception of power and interest (Hook, 2008). Through these conditionalities in mind, the poorest nations on earth were required to show commitment towards improving their structures and systems into a way where equal opportunities would abound and there would be the institution of democratic ideals. This would pave the way for long-term development of these nations and help the nations to provide opportunities to their citizens and also help them to get a meaningful life and not just the rich few. This new horizon of giving aid launched through the Millennium Challenge Corporation is similar to the Marshall Aid which was given by the United States to rebuild allied nations in Europe after the Second World War (Watson, 1989). This aid helped to reshape the institutions and bring them closer to the ideals of Western Capitalism ahead of Communism that was being advocated by the Soviet Union on the continent. “North Korea does not benefit from aid from the United States because of its adamant resistance to reforming its political dictatorship” (Kim, 2012: 173). In this case, it is apparent that such nations would not be given aid because the country shows absolutely no commitment of opening up to allow their citizens and commoners to get any meaningful chance of leading a better life in freedom. And since US officials have announced that the US government seek to use foreign aid to advance democracy around the world, it is quite problematic and is a strong tool for streamlining nations and promote equitable development around the world. Foreign aid with conditionalities as proposed by the New Labour party of 1997 shows that it is the best way through which the OECD can support other nations and nurture democracy around the world. Conclusion The promotion of development and the creation of modern institutions in less developed nations has been the noble aspect of imperialism. The Post World War II world ushered in the need for the creation of some degree of humanitarianism and respect for human rights. This has led to a trend of creating a global world order alongside. The OECD is one of such groups and they seek to promote equal development around the globe. The OECD has two main options for the promotion of democracy and improved livelihoods in poorer nations. The first is the use of force and militarism and the second is the use of aid. Militarism has shown to be problematic in light of the high death tolls and loss of property in Iraq in particular. This leaves aid as the best way of promoting democracy and providing humanitarian assistance to the poorest nations on earth. However, aid that is given without much supervision increases poverty and destroys democracy. This is because of the presence of corrupt and inefficient governments in poor nations who abuse the aid and use it to further their personal interest to the detriment of the commoners. This leaves qualified aid as the best option for the promotion of equitable distribution of nations around the world. Due to this it is conclusive that the provision of qualified aid is the most essential part of the OECD states' foreign policy since it has been proven to be the best way they can meet their humanitarian agenda. References Chapman, C. (1996) Africa and the International System: The Politics of State Survival Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Etzioni, A. (2009) The Essential Communitarian Reader New York: Rowman Littlefied. Glennie, J. (2008) The Trouble with Aid: Why Less Could Mean More for Africa New York: Zed Press. Kim, M. (2012) Securitization of Human Rights Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO Hook, S. W. (2008) “Ideas and Change in US Foreign Aid: Inventing the Millennium Challenge Corporation” Foreign Policy Analysis Vol 4 Issue 2 pp147 – 167 April 2008. Margolis, E. (2009) Obama Takes up the White Man's Burden [Online] Available at: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/eric-margolis/obama-takes-up-the-white_b_186318.html Accessed: 29th November, 2012 Murray, C. (2007) Blair to Blame for 700,000 Rotting Corpses [Online] Available at: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-445885/Blair-blame-700-000-rotting-corpses.html Accessed 29th November, 2012. Smith, S., Hadfield, A. and Dunne, T. (2012) Foreign Policy Themes, Actors and Cases Oxford: Oxford University Press. Taylor, I. 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