A Profile of the Irish Republican Army - Essay Example

? A Profile of the Irish Republican Army Origins The Irish Republican Army refers to two historically related groups, which include Official IRA and Provisional IRA. The Irish Republican Army is an organization founded in 1919. The organization was formed as an heir to the Irish Volunteers. Irish Volunteers used to be a militant nationalist group, which came into being in 1913. IRA claimed to represent the nationalist, Catholic community in Northern Ireland. The group is linked with the political party Sinn Fein. Sinn Fein was formed in 1905 at Ireland. It is the oldest political party, whose name originates from the Irish Gaelic phrase for “We Ourselves.” Since its foundation, the party has strived for the right of Irish nationals aiming at attaining national self determination (Derkins 2002, p. 20). The Provisional Irish Republican Army was instituted in 1969 as the covert armed division of Sinn Fein. Sinn Fein was a lawful political movement committed to confiscating British army from Northern Ireland and uniting Ireland. The group used violence as the tool of removing British authorities from Ireland. The differences arose within IRA regarding the widespread use of violence. As a result of the Sinn Fein conference in Dublin, in 1969, the IRA was split into two, Provisional and Official divisions (Derkins 2002, p. 22). Although both wings were dedicated to a unified socialist republic of Irish, the Official favored parliamentary strategies and shunned violence after 1972. On the other hand, Provisionals supposed that violence, especially terrorism, was a crucial component of the struggle to remove United Kingdom from Ireland. The group has received assistance from a range of organizations and states. The group has received substantial training and weapons from Libya and Palestine Liberation Organization. As a result of the similarities of IRA operations, there is the probability of links between IRA and Basque militant organization, ETA, and guerrillas FARC in Colombia (Shanahan 2009, p.12). Aims and Ideology As Derkins (2002, p. 32) observes, the main aims of the group were to establish an Irish republic, ending the British rule in Northern Ireland and the reunion of Ireland. This would then lead to establish a democratic socialist republic. The group claimed to be the Catholic republicans fighting for the rights of the Catholics. The IRA purpose was to employ military to make British ruling in Ireland unsuccessful. This would then assist in attaining the broader goal of an independent republic, which Sinn Fein was pursuing at the political level. Since its formation, the group has functioned independently of political power. However, its membership overlaps with that of Sinn Fein. During the Anglo-Irish War, from 1919 to 1921, the IRA, under the direction of Michael Collins, used guerilla tactics, comprising raids, sabotage and ambushes, to force negotiations with the British government. The war led to an agreement that established two new political units; the Irish Free State and the Northern Ireland. The Irish Free State consisted of 26 counties and was given dominion status inside the British Empire. Northern Ireland, also known as a province of Ulster, comprised of 6 counties, and it remained a fraction of the U.K. Significant elements within IRA rejected this partition and started a civil war, eventually triumphed by the pro-treaty Irish army (Tugwell 1981, p. 13). In the 1970s, the relationship between Britain and Free State remained chilly. The old IRA sustained a low degree of campaign of violence intended at reuniting Ireland. However, in 1960s, its activities had diminished significantly. The developments in Northern Ireland, in the late 1960s, accelerated the diminishing influence of IRA. Civil rights activists engaged in civil defiance in reaction to discrimination against Catholics in Northern Ireland. The activists claimed discrimination in housing, employment, and voting by the dominant Protestant administration and population (Shanahan 2009, p.15). As Tugwell (1981, p. 15) notes, the activists were met by violent attacks from the Protestant dominated police force. Tensions increased, and Britain deployed troops to guard the Catholic minority. IRA units were organized to defend besieged Catholic populations in the province and were maintained by support from elements in Ireland. These tensions contributed to split of the IRA into two groups; the Dublin based officials, who supported a unified socialist Ireland through peaceful means, and the Belfast based provisionals, who declared to employ force as a mean for unification. The Irish Free State was predominantly Catholic South, whereas the Ulster had the Protestant majority. The Catholic minority in the North comprised of nationalists who claimed to be discriminated by British government. The Protestant majority in the North comprised of unionists who held government jobs and remained sternly loyal to the British government. After 1970, the fortunes of the group increased and diminished at one point in time. The British policy of detaining individuals suspected of participation in the IRA and the carnage of thirteen Catholic activists, in 1972, reinforced Catholic empathy for the group and enlarged its ranks. Resulting from waning support in the late 1970s, the organization reorganized in 1977 into separate units to guard against penetration (Richard 2005, p. 64). Leadership and Structure IRA comprised of various leaders along its organizational structure, which was arranged in separate units. The following are the main leaders of the group. Sean MacStiofain; he was born in 1928 in London and died in 1973. Originally, Sean MacStiofain was known as John Stephenson, but he used the Gaelicised translation of his name during his life. His father was English, and his mother was an Irish Protestant born in Belfast, Ireland. MacStiofain was a chief participant in the earlier years of the IRA, which he joined after serving in the Royal Air Force. MacStiofian was at the coup’s center during the split of IRA in December 1969, which resulted to the formation of Provisional IRA. From 1969 to 1972, he served as the chief of employees of the Provisional IRA (Horgan 1997, p. 6). MacStiofain mastered the skill of propaganda practices and was in charge for the standard utilization of press conferences to spread the group’s ideologies. Another leader used to be John Kelly, born in 1936 in Belfast, Northern Ireland. He later relocated to Maghera, County Londonderry where he resided until his death in 2007. He was a politician and an Irish republican militant in Northern Ireland. In early 1950s, Kelly joined IRA at 18 years old, and he was among the street battalion who shielded Catholic regions such as the Lower Falls. Kelly was an element in the core Provisional IRA leadership in 1969. When artillery became a priority for the new plan, Kelly was a member of a team accountable for heavily arming IRA (Horgan 1997, p. 8). The other leader was Gerry Adam, originally known as Gerard Adams and born in 1948, in Belfast, Ireland. He grew up during the enormously violent periods in Northern Ireland. In his 20s, Adams highly participated in the activities of IRA, and he was imprisoned, even though he was never formally convicted. In 1982, he was elected as the leader of Sinn Fein, the political division of IRA. In the 2000s, Adams assisted the stop of sectarian aggression so as to form a power sharing government. Seamus Kerr became council leader from Sinn Fein political party after winning the election of the councilor’s seat of the Omagh District Council. Jim Gibney is in the Executive Committee of Sinn Fein. He played a significant role in the Convention in 1986, lobbying firm against nonparticipation and arguing that it had no position in Republican politics. Gibney has played a significant role in legitimizing Sinn Fein. He was the first who initially thought about media’s influence in expanding extensive political base and campaigning for ballot box elections (Derkins 2002, p. 37). As Horgan (1997, p. 10) observes, IRA is the largest, best organized and most significant of the paramilitary organizations operating in Ireland. The daily operations of the group are carried out by an Army Council of seven individuals. Council members comprise the chief of staff, quartermaster general and adjutant general. The members mainly come from Border counties and Northern Ireland. The supreme authority of the group is the GAC (General Army Convention), which rarely holds meetings. According to IRA Constitution, the GAC holds only one meeting in every two years. Delegates to the GAC comprise IRA members chosen by different units within the group and Army Council members. The GAC chooses an Army Executive of twelve members, which holds meeting once for every six months. The roles of the executive include selecting the Army Council members and advising the council regarding all IRA matters. The General Headquarters Staff conducts the planning and execution of Army Council resolutions. The staff acts as a link between the council and the Southern and Northern commands. Northern Ireland and Republic’s border counties are covered in the Northern Command, which has at least five brigades. The Southern Command that covers 21 counties has a smaller number of personnel. Each command possesses a commanding officer, quartermaster and operations director. The operational wing comprises of cells referred as Active Units, each having five to eight members. Intermittently, special teams are constituted by the Army Council for exceptional operations (Horgan 1997, p. 6). Strategy and Typical Tactics and Targets The long term goal of the IRA is the establishment of a democratic socialist republic of Ireland. The political doctrine, which drives the IRA, is the notion that it has the freedom to apply force to coerce the British to pull out from Northern Ireland. Over the years, IRA has applied different forms of strategies. One of the strategies was to launch attacks against British troops in the Northern Ireland. In 1998, IRA adopted another strategy, which aimed at launching bomb attacks within U.K. territories. IRA believes that such assaults have a superior impact on British public view than parallel assaults in Northern Ireland, leading in pressure on the British administration to withdraw from the North (Shanahan 2009, p.22). Derkins (2002, p. 40) concludes that in 1998, Sinn Fein leaders, Gerry Adams and Martin McGuiness were reported to have persuaded the leadership of IRA not to continue attacks in Northern Ireland. Although, IRA prefers support of public view in Ireland, it eventually conducts its operations with its own agenda despite the feelings of the majority of Ireland citizens. IRA deems that it has the moral obligation to conduct military campaigns with an objective of protecting the interests of people of Ireland. Since 1960s, IRA has killed approximately 1,800 persons, comprising approximately 650 civilians. Before the IRA cease-fire, in 1994, the primary targets of the group attacks included British troops, prison guards, senior British government administrators, police officers, and judges. Drug dealers, informers and rival paramilitary militants in Ulster were also among the principal targets of the group. After breaking its cease-fire in 1996, the IRA operations have comprised bombing, which targets subway and train stations and shopping locations on the British mainland, British armed forces and Royal Ulster Constabulary in Northern Ireland, and British armed forces facility on Europe. During the Anglo-Irish War, under the direction of Michael Collins, the IRA used guerrilla tactics to force the British administration to negotiate. The guerilla tactics included raids, sabotage and ambushes. The group divided itself into separate cells to guard against infiltration. Traditionally, IRA carried its guerilla combat primarily in rural areas (Shanahan 2009, p.30). However, due to increase in population in cities, the group changed its war tactics so as to carry outs its activities in urban environments. The most regular urban warfare operations used by the IRA are bomb ambushes, and mortar attacks and rocket propelled grenade attacks. Mortar attacks are frequently mounted in vehicles with their roofs slashed out, placed within the range of the target, and then tenuously detonated. The IRA weapons comprise explosives and small arms, which are easy to use, procure, and transport. IRA combat activities are carried out by active service units composed of four individuals who frequently know each other, but have no natural association (Richard 2005, p. 70). Irish Republican Army Main Attacks IRA conventional activities have entailed assassinations, bombings, extortion, kidnappings, and robberies. The following are the main IRA attacks; in the bombing spree, in 1972, referred as Bloody Friday, the Belfast downtown was astounded by twenty two bombs. The bombing activities lasted for seventy five minutes and left 130 people injured, and nine died. In 1979, the group assassinated Lord Mountbatten, who was Queen Elizabeth II’S uncle. In 1984, the group bombed Brighton hotel where then Margaret Thatcher, British Prime Minister, and her cabinet were meeting (Richard 2005, p. 72). The attack wounded many British officials and killed four Britons. The 1993 vehicle bombing in London’s monetary district, Canary Wharf, resulted to $1 billion damage and killed one person. In early 1990s, the group carried out mortar assaults on the residence of British Prime Minister and Heathrow Airport in London. Throughout 1970s, 1980s and 1990s, the group carried out bomb attacks in Britain and Northern Ireland targeting civilians, comprising of shops, pubs, and subway stations. The group was involved in organized criminal activities to raise money; the activities included extortion, smuggling, bank robberies, and counterfeiting (Shanahan 2009, p. 32). Analysis of the IRA Impact As Richard (2005, p. 74) observes, in the early years of 20th century, Irish Republican Army revolution effectively challenged British ruling in the entire Ireland. The Irish Independence War, which occurred from 1916 to 1921, ended in the formation of a sovereign Irish Free State in 1921. However, in exchange for its sovereignty, the IRA leaders settled to permit the six Northern counties of Ireland to remain under British Administration. Britain reconstituted these counties as Northern Ireland and Ulster. Sinn Fein leaders, Adams and McGuiness, together with the leader of the SDLP-Social Democratic and Labor Party sought means of ending violence. In 1994, the IRA was convinced by British and Irish administrations that cease-fire would be rewarded with involvement in multiparty talks. In the middle of 1990s, the IRA, through its political division, Sinn Fein and intermediaries, initiated negotiations with John Major, the British Prime Minister. These negotiations led to the announcement of cease-fire by the IRA in 1997, through many setbacks, to a peace treaty. In 1998, former United States Senate Majority Leader, George Mitchell, assisted in signing of the Good Friday accord. This became a landmark accord between most of the key political organizations in Northern Ireland, comprising Sinn Fein and Irish and British administrations (Shanahan 2009, p. 35). The signatories of the agreement renounced violence, instituted a new legislative institution of Northern Ireland, augmented cross boundary ties, and freed prisoners. In October 2001, the group started the act of arms decommissioning. In April 2002, the group conducted the second act of weapons decommissioning. In July 2006, the Irish and British authorities showed that they supposed that the IRA had ceased the entire centrally planned criminal activities. Subsequent reports show that the group is enduring to take initiatives to wind down and oppose its paramilitary activities originating from its splinter units (Richard 2005, p. 78). Future of IRA Shanahan (2009, p. 48) observes “in October 2003, the IRA conducted its third act of weapons decommissioning, which was considered significantly larger than the earlier move of arms decommissioning.” The organization disposed medium, light, and heavy arms, explosives, and ammunition. Despite the IRA move of arms decommissioning in 2001, 2002, and 2003, the group remains a threat to security in United Kingdom, Ireland and other countries. The organization will likely retain the capability to carry out paramilitary operations. Reports indicate that some members of the IRA still conduct extensive criminal activities; this provides funds to the organizations. The IRA will continue to operate in the Irish Republic, Northern Ireland, United Kingdom, and Europe. IRA is organized into minute, firmly knit cells under the direction of the Army Council. This organizational structure will make it difficult to know whether the group has entirely surrendered its weapons and stopped its criminal activities. References List Derkins, S. (2002). The Irish Republican Army, New York, Rosen Publishing Group. pp. 5-50. Horgan, J. & Taylor, M. (1997). The Provisional Irish Republican Army: Command and Functional Structure, Terrorism and Political Violence, 9(3). pp. 1-32. Shanahan, T. (2009). The Provisional Irish Republican Army and the Morality of Terrorism, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press. pp. 1– 45. Tugwell, M. (1981). Politics and Propaganda of the Provisional IRA. Terrorism, 5(1-2). pp. 13-40. Richard, E. (2005). Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA, Oxford, Oxford University Press. pp. 64-90. Read More