The government of Costa Rica - Research Paper Example

?The Government of Costa Rica Background Having gained its independence from Spain as part of the broader Central American independence movement in the former Kingdom of Guatemala, Costa Rica became a constituent province of the short-lived Federal Republic of Central America, or Central American Union (Meyer 1). Following the Union dissolution in 1838, Costa Rica proclaimed itself as a sovereign nation under Braulio Carrillo, who was ultimately removed from power in 1842; in 1847, Jose Maria Castro Madriz was appointed President of Costa Rica, who, during his first term of office, formally declared Costa Rica an independent republic (Watkins). The constitutional reform of 1848 attempted to establish basic civil rights and might be thought to have laid the foundations for a tradition of political moderation and civilian government despite having had some interludes of military rule (Veillette 1). Two significant periods of political turmoil had taken place since the late 19th century, the first of which started with the 1917 military coup against Gonza Flores administration, led by General Tinoco Granados, whose rule failed to gain recognition from the United States and had eventually ended in 1919 under both external and internal pressure (Watkins). The second one is considered the bloodiest event in the 20th-century Costa Rican history – the civil war following a highly contentious presidential election in 1948, which lasted 44 days and caused some two thousand fatalities (Watkins). Being one of the numerous hot spots during the Cold War, the Costa Rican civil conflict led to several far-reaching effects, including the abolition of the regularly army, the foundation of one of the first welfare states in the region and the creation of a new constitution (Meyer 1). The latter prohibited the maintenance of standing army except in case of external invasion, outlawed the communist and fascist parties, and provided for the creation of a Supreme Electoral Tribunal that would oversee the electoral process and have police power during elections; the duty to guarantee the nation’s security was assigned to a national police force called the Civil Guard (Watkins). Population and Society As of July 2011 estimates, Costa Rica’s population totals 4 576 562 people, being comprised of four major ethnic groups as follows – whites, primarily of European (Spanish) descent, which, along with the mestizos, account for 94 % of the total population; 3 % blacks, which are, for the most part, of Jamaican origin; and the remainder – 1 % Chinese and 1 % Amerindians respectively (CIA; Encyclopedia of the Nations). Some 69 % of the Costa Ricans are in the 15 to 64 age group, 6.4 % are over 65 year-old and another 24.6 % are under 15 year-old (CIA). Those living in urban areas, according to 2010 data, account for 64 % of the total population (CIA), as compared to 48 % in 2001(Population Reference Bureau, cited in Encyclopedia of the Nations). The capital city, San Jose, has 1. 416 million inhabitants as of 2009 (CIA); other large cities with population over 100 000 are Alajuela, Cartago and Puntarenas, as well as Limon and Heredia, with over 50 000 inhabitants each (Encyclopedia of the Nations). The official language of Costa Rica is Spanish while English is mainly spoken among the middle class in some urban areas, and among descendants of Jamaican origin as well (Encyclopedia of the Nations). The major religions are Roman Catholic, which is the predominant one embracing over 76 % of the population, and Evangelical – shared by 13.7% of the Costa Ricans; along with 1.3% Jehovah’s Witnesses, 0.7% other Protestants, and other religious cults (CIA). In as much as the vast majority of Costa Rica’s people belong to one and same ethnic group, namely the ‘white’ one, which also includes people of mixed ancestry, the so-called ‘whiteness’ would appear the factor that defines the Costa Rica’s population as homogeneous; this homogeneity, however, is further reinforced by the overwhelmingly common origin, hence culture and language, and, more or less, the religion. Not surprisingly therefore, a Costa Rican with some evidence of black or Indian ancestry, but Latino cultural traits, is usually seen as ‘white’, and the term ‘mestizo’ is rarely heard (Biesanz et al. 109); even those cultural traits that are considered to have originated amongst indigenous population – Chorotega natives, for example – became part of the ‘creole’ and ‘mestizo’ culture being expressed in food, dances, etc. and currently described as Costa Rican traditions (Biesanz et al. 111-12). According to Biesanz et al., most of the present-day ‘black’ Costa Ricans, predominantly concentrated in Limon Province, are descendants of those people from the West Indies, mostly Jamaicans (see above), who were recruited in the late nineteenth century to work on the Atlantic Railroad (114). The origin of the Chinese diaspora can be traced back to the mid-nineteenth century when immigrants from Canton Province arrived in Costa Rica; the immigration of ‘Orientals’ was banned in 1862 by the reason of the massive scale of that influx, only to be lifted several years later, when the necessity for cheap labor force arose in regard to the Atlantic railroad building (Biesanz et al. 116). There are also groups of the indigenous population, including the largest of them – Bribri and Cabecar – who live on the Atlantic side of the Talamanca Mountains, speak related languages and share a culture slightly varying from one place to another; the native Indians are represented by several associations and radio stations broadcasting in Indian languages, as well as formed a committee lobbying the Legislative Assembly (Biesanz et al. 113). Costa Rica’s society enjoyed the oldest democratic rule in Latin America, with elected governments for the best part of the twentieth century, as well as uninterrupted constitutionalism and peaceful transfers of power since 1950 (Seligson and Booth 778-9). Costa Rica’s political culture is described by Dabene as a culture of compromise and avoidance of confrontation, which is primarily shaped by the style of relationship between the ‘patrons’ and employees, existing in the countryside, since the former needed labor for production and the latter – extra money; this manner had been transferred to the national politics where Partido Liberacion Nacional (the National Liberation Party or PLN), is thought to have taken the place of the traditional ‘patron’, functioning as a broker between the national political system and the small communities (4). Thus, the Costa Rica’s compromise-orientated culture, along with the strong institutional legitimacy, would account for the lack of political turbulence and acts of violence, which is a case so common in the rest of Latin America. On the other hand, as Seligson and Booth point out, some cultural theorists would argue that Costa Rican democratic institutions have first emerged independently of mass culture and gradually helped democratize political culture (779). Whether the regime type is the cause or the effect of political culture, whatever the case might be, the political culture of Costa Rica could be defined today as democratic, in fact far more democratic than in its neighbors (see Seligson and Booth 779). Nevertheless, surveys, which were being conducted in both urban and rural areas of Costa Rica in 1985 and 1987, had produced some surprising findings in regard to Costa Rican political culture, namely majorities’ intolerant attitude toward certain rights for opposition groups – especially their right to run for office (Seligson and Booth 789). The political socialization process in Costa Rica, as anywhere else, is determined via the family, the mass media, as well as the educational, political and religious institutions (see Hooghe 335). The family, besides its constitutionally postulated role as the natural base of the Costa Rican society, is usually considered the most important socializing agent, through which the younger generations’ basic values and attitudes are shaped. Biesanz et al. write that the family ties are highly prized among most Ticos, and even many confine their intimate relationships to relatives (Biesanz et al. 7). According to the Constitution of 1949, the family, along with mothers, children and the elderly, is entitled to State protection while the marriage is considered the essential basis of the family and rests on equality of spouses’ rights (The Constitution of Costa Rica, Title V, Articles 51 and 52). The second most influential political socialization agent is arguably the formal education, which is not only seen by Costa Ricans as the means of achieving material progress, but also as a condition of democracy (Biesanz et al. 7). Although nowadays, the center of gravity has shifted to the mass media, peer groups, voluntary associations and informal interactions, as part of a broader trend worldwide (Hooghe 335). Another major socializing agent is the religious tradition, which in the case of Costa Rica is predominantly represented by the Catholic Church since over 76 % of the overall population professes Catholicism (CIA). Moreover, as Williams points out, following the Second General Conference of the Latin American bishops, held in Medellin in 1968, significant sectors of the Church made great efforts to put into practice the new reform initiatives, including commitment to the poor and oppressed, and lay participation in the process of liberation from oppression (2). In contrast to countries such as Chile and Brazil, for instance, the impact of Medellin conference on Costa Rican society appeared much less dramatic, in part due to the greater degree of political pluralism in Costa Rica (Williams 2). The economic crisis after the 1970s is thought to have made the church hierarchy to join with the government in a policy of social containment, thus attempting to minimize the crisis consequences and spare Costa Rica the violence characteristic of its northern neighbors (Williams 174). Costa Rica’s vibrant media scene – with nine major newspapers, public and private TV channels, a busy FM radio dial, cable TV, and about 2 million internet users by June 2010 – is considered an important socializing agent that impacts the youthful population, especially the adolescents. The Costa Rica’s media are defined as ‘fairly free’ by the press freedom group, Reporters without Borders (BBC News). Costa Rica’s Political System According to the constitution adopted in 1949, Costa Rica is declared a free and independent democratic republic, whose sovereignty exclusively resides in the nation (The Constitution of Costa Rica, Title I, Articles 1 and 2). The Costa Rican legal system is defined as civil law system based on Spanish civil code (CIA), where the judicial power, including judicial review of legislative acts, is exercised by the Supreme Court of Justice, as well as by other courts established by law (Constitution of Costa Rica, Title XI, Article 152). All Costa Ricans are proclaimed free within the Republic, and their life is considered inviolable (Constitution of Costa Rica, Title IV, Articles 20 and 21) while Costa Rican citizenship is declared to be the aggregate of political rights and duties (Constitution of Costa Rica, Title VIII, Article 90). Being amended by Law 2345 as of 20 May 1959, Article 93 stipulates that suffrage is a primary and compulsory civic function exercised through direct and secret vote by the citizens registered in the Civil Registry (Constitution of Costa Rica, Title VIII). According to the Constitution, the state is entrusted with procuring the welfare of all citizens via organizing and promoting production as well as adequate distribution of wealth; the state is also obligated to guarantee every person’s right to “a healthy and ecologically balanced environment” (Constitution of Costa Rica, Title V, Article 50). Special protection of mothers and minors is assigned to an institution named ‘National Infancy Patronage (Patronato Nacional de la Infancia) in close collaboration with other state institutions (Constitution of Costa Rica, Title V, Article 55). The state is the guarantor of everyone’s right to lawful employment and adequate remuneration, as well as free choice of work (Constitution of Costa Rica, Title V, Article 57). The territory of Costa Rica is divided into provinces, cantons and districts, as stated in Title XII of the Constitution, “Municipal Government” (Article 168); with the administration of each canton being entrusted to a Municipal Government, which is composed of council members designated by elections and an executive official appointed by law (Constitution of Costa Rica, Title XII, Article 169). Under the Constitution of 1949, all Costa Rican citizens have the right to organize themselves in political parties, which would allow them to participate in the national politics. Thus, being fundamental instruments for political participation, the political parties are bound to political pluralism, formation and manifestation of popular will (Constitution of Costa Rica, Title VIII, Article 98). Just one of the active political parties in Costa Rica is established before the adoption of the Constitution in 1949, namely the National Union Party founded (actually revived) in 1947 under Otilio Blanco (Watkins); all the other parties that form the present day multi-party system of Costa Rica appeared on the political scene after the 1950s. The National Liberation Party (PLN), founded by Jose Figueres in 1951, had been social democratic, but embraced free-market policies in the 1980s (Delman). Following the 2010 parliamentary and presidential election, the party won 23 out of 57 seats in the Legislative Assembly while the former vice president, Laura Chinchilla, won 47 per cent of the presidential vote, as against 25.15 % for the candidate of Citizen’s Action Party, Otton Solis, and 20.83 % for Otto Guevara from the PML (Libertarian Movement Party), or roughly 46 % for both the second- and third-place contestants (Malkin). The PML is based on classical liberalism which is considered to have had deep roots in Costa Rica – in fact, three Costa Rican parties professed liberal ideas from the period before the civil war and the Constitution – the Republican Party, the Republican National Party and the National Union Party (Watkins). The Citizen’s Action Party is left-of-the-center social democratic party founded in 2000, which currently holds 11 out of the 57 seats in the Assembly (PAC). Accessibility without Exclusion is a Costa Rican party which campaign on the main platform of protecting and promoting the rights of the people with disabilities and older adults; the party had received over 200 000 votes in the 2010 election and consequently won four seats in the National Assembly (PASE: official site). Another major parliamentary party is the Social Christian Unity Party (PUSC), which has its roots in social Christian reformism (Delman) and used to constitute, along with National Liberation Party, the past bi-party political system of Costa Rica (Lehoucq 142; Taylor-Robinson 3). The party has currently 6 seats in the 57-seat National Assembly. As Lehoucq points out, political scientists have long admired Costa Rica as a case of successful presidential democracy, with no any form of presidential assault or encroachment on the political system (144). The practice of holding elections for president of the Republic and all 57 National Assembly seats on the same day is thought to give voters the opportunity to choose parliamentary majorities sympathetic to the presidential platform. On the other hand, the ban on consecutive terms for both presidents and legislative seats often resulted in legislators being focused on aligning themselves with the future president, rather than supporting the platform of the incumbent one (Lehoucq 144). Thus, in fact, the electoral process keeps the president weak (Lehoucq 144). But what makes the political system of Costa Rica truly remarkable is the degree to which important policy-making responsibilities, including health care, old-age pensions, monetary policy, electoral supervision, etc., are entrusted to a number of autonomous institutions, whose budgets are neither proposed by the executive branch nor approved by the legislature (Lehoucq 145). Following the 2002 elections, the decay of the two-party system had not only complicated the governance per se, but also appeared one of the major signs of people’s dissatisfaction with the political establishment; which, along with the decline in the expressed support for the political system in opinion polls and the falling turnout, brought to the advent of non-traditional political players, like the breakaway faction of PLN, called the Citizen Action Party (PAC) that took 25 percent of the legislative vote in 2002, as well as other political novices (Lehoucq 146, 151). Public Opinion, Interest Groups and Interactions Given the postulates of the 1949 Constitution, as well as the overall development of Costa Rican polity over the time, the widespread assumption that Costa Rican public life conforms to world and regional standards for fairness, equity and honesty appears more or less, beyond a reasonable doubt. Nevertheless, many Costa Ricans believe that their politicians and public officials are corrupt. Moreover, according to some surveys, nearly 75 percent of Costa Ricans considered corruption nothing unusual when the public sector is concerned – which percentage is the highest one among the Central American countries plus Colombia and Mexico – stating that they have experienced at least one act of corruption per year (Lehoucq 149). Another intriguing detail of Costa Rican public life is the availability of very active interest groups – to the degree that most sectors of the society are ostensibly represented by organized groups, whose influence varies widely. These could be generally allotted to three broad categories of interests, namely economic, ideological and official ones (Peeler 38). As Peeler writes, among the economic interests, those who control the productive property are organized at multiple levels, ranging from narrow sectors, like coffee or dairy producers, to nationwide organizations such as the powerful National Economic Development Association (ANFE), which includes many important businessmen and appears a key interest group concerned with economic policy (38). On the other hand, sources of the 1970s had shown a low level of popular participation in the mass organizations defending economic interests, with total trade union membership being well under 10 % of the economically active population (Peeler 38). Broadly speaking, the advocacy of organized economic interests is distributed among a number of political pressure groups from both ends of the pole, like the National Association for Economic Development (ANFE); the Costa Rican Exporter's Chamber or CADEXCO; the Chamber of Coffee Growers; the Authentic Confederation of Democratic Workers (CATD); the Confederated Union of Workers or CUT; Costa Rican Confederation of Democratic Workers (CCTD) – an affiliate of the National Liberation Party; Costa Rican Solidarity Movement; Costa Rican Union of Private Sector Enterprises, or UCCAEP; Federation of Public Service Workers (FTSP) etc. (Index Mundi). Given the nature of Costa Rica’s political culture, e.g. a culture of compromise (see section Population and Society) and therefore, lacking class struggle in the sense of confrontation, like in its neighbors, for example, the organized ideological interests are of much less importance, as stated by Peeler (39), than the economic ones. However, within these interest groups should be mentioned the Movimiento Costa Rica Libre (MCRL) and most importantly the Church (Peeler 39). Finally, the official institutions represent a very important category of interest groups in addition to the aforementioned ones with economical and ideological motivations (Denton 41-45). The autonomous institutes, which were discussed earlier, are considered to function to some degree as interest groups, whether defending their programs or pressing for more funds and articulating the interests of their clients (Peeler 40). Conclusion Since the late end of the civil war, Costa Rica is considered as an example of political success (Lehoucq 1). With the longest continuous period of democratic stability in Latin America, presidential form of government, universal suffrage rights for both adult males and females, the latter introduced with the Constitution of 1949, and competitive elections being devoid of fraud and violence by the mid-twentieth century, Costa Rica appears one of the oldest democracies in the western hemisphere and even in the world (Lehoucq 1-4). Although there have been certain periods saturated with political decay and allegations of corruption – that tarnished the country’s reputation, Costa Rica’s people and politicians have already shown in the past that they can learn from mistakes and rebuild their political system (Lehoucq 151). References BBC News, Costa Rica Country Profile, 6 December 2011, Web. < http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/country_profiles/1166587.stm> Biesanz, M. H., et al., The Ticos: Culture and Social Change in Costa Rica. 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