Alcohol Consumption in Australia - Case Study Example

Alcohol consumption in Australia 1.0 Introduction The term 'alcohol' is another name for ethyl alcohol (ethanol) found in drinks, which are intended for consumption by the human beings. This paper looks into what forces in the Australian society support the continued consumption of alcohol and what forces work to reduce alcohol consumption as well as how each of these forces influence prevention, treatment and government policy within Australia. It focuses on alcohol as generally a psychoactive substance and consuming it in moderation leads to relaxation feelings and euphoria that causes its consumption heavily and widely in almost every social scenario in the world, as well as across the socio-economic spectrum (National Preventative Health Taskforce 2008). It looks at Australian, which Per capita consumption of alcohol is on a high as per the world standards. The paper looks into forces within Australian society, which explain why the country ranks within the top 30 highest countries in a list of 180 alcohol-consuming nations (Manderson 1992, p. 507-520). Present studies in the country estimates the extent to which the respective costs could reduce through the implementation of suitable public policy interventions (National Preventative Health Taskforce 2008). The paper reveals that this should be possible, especially over a period, through the forces reducing the consumption. 2.1 Forces that support alcohol consumption 2.1.1 Economic benefit of alcohol Alcohol has remained an integral part of the way of life of Australians since the First Fleet arrival (Dale & Marsh 2000). Generally, Alcohol is an addictive drug (Maisto, Galizio & Connors 1999), nevertheless, and its misuse associates to a wide range of dose-related unpleasant consequences leading to significant harm to the person or the general society (Hawkes 1992). The consumption as well as production of alcoholic products in the country makes quite a sizeable economic contribution to the total national output, regional development, employment, balance of payments as well as the total public budgets. Therefore, the government policy on control of alcohol is compromised in an effort to secure the revenue to the government from the industry (Ask et al. 2000, p. 127-134). With this reason, the government works hard to keep the supply of alcohol into the country and sustain the revenue coming from the alcoholic products (Manderson 1992, p. 507-520). The government even goes a step further by practicing some leniency on some of the policies mitigating the use of alcohol to make it free and possible for a majority to consume the alcoholic products and increase the sales thus the revenue (Byrne 1996, p. 2017-2028). 2.1.2 Inadequate information on dangers of alcohol consumption Inadequate information on alcohol consumption is a rather corpulent force within the Australian society that does affect the way consumption of alcohol goes (Byrne 1996, p. 2017-2028). This force has always encouraged many Australian citizens to practice alcohol consumption out of ignorance (Eliany & Rush 1992). It also makes treatment of the problem difficult with an increase on the number of alcohol abusers. Information on levels and alcohol consumption patterns is diverse, and can be intricate to identify the essential features for the use of monitoring trends in alcohol drinking as well as related harm, and the potential opportunities for intervention (Hudoba et al. 2002, p. 4-19). Unfortunately, in the country at the current time, some of the valuable and significant data is not readily available to the general public health field (Ask et al. 2000, p. 127-134). The government policy is affected relatively because even with the set controls through the policy, it does not gain roots because of people’s ignorance. For instance, alcohol sales data is not public and has no easy access for public health research (Maisto, Galizio & Connors 1999). Various taskforce in the country note with concern that, the absence of the highly accessible data sets on high-alcohol consumption in Australia (Dale & Marsh 2000). This is because, the respective institutions even the general society does not realize any need for intervention in alcohol consuming behavior, which could be posing as a threat to the society in general (Byrne 1996, p. 2017-2028). 2.1.3 The low pricing of wine and other alcoholic products The low pricing of wine and other alcoholic products within the Australian society also serves majorly as a promoter of alcohol consumption. The per capita consumption of alcohol in Australia is a relevant measure from a public health perspective (Hawthorne, Garrard & Hunt 1993). This is because it is ‘to a considerable level, related to the pervasiveness of heavy use that in turn associates with negative effects’ (Eliany & Rush 1992). Total per capita alcohol consumption in Australia alcohol grew fast in the late 1970s and has not gone down after the prices of respective products were, cut. In 2007, estimates indicated 9.88 Litres of alcoholic drinks per capita a figure much higher than the previous years because of the reduced prices (National Preventative Health Taskforce 2008). Among the respective alcoholic beverages in Australia, there have been noteworthy changes in per capita consumption especially over the past 19 years owing to the reduced prices (Dale & Marsh 2000). This reduction in prices partly reflects changes in tastes of consumer towards wine owing to the increase availability and availability of low-priced wine. Consumption of wine increased almost fourfold after 1990s price cut with the intake going up from 0.77 Litres in the year to 3.13 in the latest results of year 2005 (National Preventative Health Taskforce 2008). This has challenged the government with a division of decisions as to assert controls through the government policy or promote the consumption by maintaining low prices and maintaining the country’s revenue. 2.1.4 Poverty and unemployment within the Australian society Poverty and unemployment within the Australian society has also been a benefactor of alcohol consumption. The financial, social and political struggles in the country are the main forces behind the increased alcohol consumption in the country. From the latest research on alcohol consumption in Australia, 11% of the heavy consumers thrive in the most disadvantaged areas (poor regions, low-employment opportunities, over populated etc). These regions classified under drinking alcohol at risky levels in an attempt to cope with the existing conditions (Hudoba et al. 2002, p. 4-19). The force has increased the number of people suffering from alcohol-related disease leading to a great number of people requiring treatment on the same (Hawthorne, Garrard & Hunt 1993). Even with the government trying to impose policies to combat the same, the situations worsen by day with the majority in these areas consuming alcohol heavily and practicing risky consumption behavior (Manderson 1992, p. 507-520). However, even with all these supporting issues, alcohol has a darker side. Heavy consumption of alcohol or its products is links causally to a notable range of problems, which include health issues as well as lower life expectancy, accidents, drink driving, reduced workplace productivity, violence and many other types of crime (Hawkes 1992). This is the reason why there are forces within any given society to try to reduce the consumption be it government initiated or the general community policy. Research estimates that the general social costs of alcohol abuse across Australia in the years 2004 and 2005 were roughly $15 billion (National Preventative Health Taskforce 2008). In such circumstances there has to arise the difficult issue of ways to minimize these social costs of alcohol abuse and maintain, as far as possible, benefits of alcohol to the general Australian society and the economy (Hawthorne, Garrard & Hunt 1993). This is what explains the forces involved in reducing alcohol consumption in Australia. 3.1 Forces that work to reduce consumption 3.1.1 Higher alcohol taxation Higher alcohol taxation is a force by the Australian government working to reduce alcohol consumption. The government uses its policy build up in imposing the taxes on the alcohol products. Differential tax rates on various forms of alcohol particularly the type subject to abuse is a potent forces reducing alcohol consumption in the region. An increase in alcohol price reduces alcohol consumption, harmful and hazardous alcohol consumption, the harm done by alcohol, alcohol dependence, and the harm to others, other than the drinker. Strong evidence is available for effectiveness of alcohol taxes in reducing alcohol consumption. There is strong research evidence in Australia that the Government has, in its tax instruments, a potent tool of influencing alcohol prices, and thus alcohol demand. Four types of tax instruments currently apply in Australia to alcohol including Goods and Services Tax (GST), excise duties, customs duties, and Wine Equalization Tax (WET). GST applies across-the-board on all goods as well as services at a 10 per cent flat rate. Customs duties, by nature, apply to imported alcohol only and so represent a narrowly based instrument to control alcohol consumption. Excise duties are the best in controlling alcohol consumption in the country (Hawkes 1992). They levy per Littre of alcohol content, with respective the rates varying according to categories including low, medium and high strength beer. This is a clear example that excise taxes could in normal situations, regulate alcohol consumption in the society and it is what the government has been using for a prolonged period. It is an effective way of reducing abusers of alcohol therefore lowering the number of people requiring treatment from alcohol related illnesses. The government, therefore, regulates the abused type of alcohol by increasing the tax rates and this is well in place according to the policies of price control of the country. 3.1.2 Partial or complete bans of alcohol advertising Partial or complete bans are also forces within Australia especially on the advertising including the promotion of alcohol, dominant in controlling the abuse of alcohol within the region. The appropriateness of bans in Australian society on alcohol advertising has been subject of political and public debate for many years now within Australia. In a recent development in 2008, the Senate set up an inquiry probing the aspects of this issue (National Preventative Health Taskforce 2008). The fundamental question in hand has been whether advertising alcohol increases total consumption or abuse, or whether it affects brand choice, leaving consumption of alcohol unchanged (Hawkes 1992). Generally, advocates in public health argue that advertising increases total consumption and abuse of alcohol (Manderson 1992, p. 507-520). The industry’s position has been consistently that advertising leaves consumption unchanged, simply affecting the alcohol market shares of the respective brands. However, all the same, there is extraordinary proof that in the Australian society, advertising of alcohol has been a formidable force increasing the consumption among the young people who barely know of these products until advertised (Hawthorne, Garrard & Hunt 1993). It is also related to the high abuse of alcohol and the increased number of people suffering from alcohol related illness making it difficult for treatment across the country. This is why the government puts in place policies governing and controlling the advertisement of alcohol in public media to control the consumption rate increase especially among the younger generation. 3.1.3 Measures to reduce drink driving There also are appropriate measures in the Australian society for reduce drink driving (Ask et al. 2000, p. 127-134). More intensive enforcement of breath testing as well as lowering the legal blood concentration of alcohol (BAC) level are excellent in reducing the high level of alcohol consumption in Australia. The Australian current government drink-driving policy consists of an alcohol concentration (BAC) limit of at most 0.05, backed by a random breath testing (RBT) enforcement. The research literature on this issue indicates that there are evidence-based and possible approaches to the social costs of alcohol reduction especially those attributable to road accidents including a more intensive regime of the BAC limit enforcement and lowering the BAC level (Hawthorne, Garrard & Hunt 1993). Substantial evidence exists, showing that random breath testing does loose much of its effect if levels of enforcement are relatively too low or if the effort of enforcement is insufficiently well targeted. The model for existing serious accidents highlights that an increase daily testing rate by 1000 corresponds roughly to a respective decline of six per cent in total possible accidents. This is what the government has been thriving on to prevent capital cases of alcohol abuse and reduce the number of patients and deaths resulting from the abuse. It also has been ideal in reducing the number of patients seeking treatment for abusing alcohol and suffering the related illnesses. 3.1.4 Brief interventions by care physicians Brief interventions primarily by care physicians in reducing hazardous alcohol consumption are also a potent force among the Australian societies (Dietz 1999, p. 187-199). Studies show clearly that brief interventions prove the effectiveness in reducing risky alcohol consumption (Perth 2004, p. 1-13). Brief interventions reveal as cost-effective and clearly representing a useful strategy in reducing the rates of alcohol abuse in the Australian society (Hawthorne 2001, p. 111-119). It also has reduced the number of people seeking treatment in the hospitals over alcohol relate illness. In addition, it has made treatment of alcoholics easy and attainable through supporting abstinence. Brief interventions refer usually to advice as well as information well provided to ‘at risk’ drinkers in a consultation by a care physician. Such information is conveyed verbally initially and habitually in a primary care consultation context for a different purpose (Roche & Deehan 2002, p. 169-178). The preliminary screening may be accompanied by additional support, which includes the printed information provision, diaries to record as well as monitor alcohol consumption and follow-up telephone calls (Dietz 1999, p. 187-199). The government policy has also been greatly influenced with set policies geared towards supporting the care physicians’ efforts. In Australia, physicians receive program grants or other practice-enhancement grants for to help them facilitate such interventions. In the same Australian context, brief counseling and screening by a general practitioner generally increases the consultation of the entire process from Level B to Level C (20 minutes), therefore, incurring an additional Medicare cost for each single patient counseled (Miller & Hester 1989, p. 3-13). Potential cost savings, which include reduced alcohol-related mortality and morbidity, estimate as demonstrating cost-effectiveness of well-designed intervention programs if implemented nationally (Hawthorne 2001, p. 111-119). 3.1.5 Control of drinking environments Control of drinking environments within the Australian societies has also featured as a great force in reducing the consumption of alcohol. This has been effective through the policy of government on the selling environments for alcohol products and policies on limits of alcohol consumption in terms of age. Sales of alcohol normally are subject to restriction, for both alcohol consumed on site as well as alcohol consumed off the building (Dore 2002, p. 289-309). All European Union countries support the prohibition of alcohol sale to young people below a particular determined age in hotels or bars, while one-third of the same group of EU countries limit the sale hours (Dorn & Murji 1992). It has been a great approach with most of the juveniles controlled from alcohol abuse and reducing the vulnerability to addiction and other illnesses requiring treatment. Australia is not an exemption and its approaches to control these drinking environments have helped the society an immense deal to reduce alcohol abuse (Ask et al. 2000, p. 127-134). Other forces limiting access to alcohol are among others controlling the number of alcohol outlets as well as the development, enforcement and implementation of responsible serving practices (Hawthorne, Garrard & Hunt 1993). Responsible serving policies implemented in the Australian society include training staff to stop or delay service to intoxicated patrons (Miller et al. 1989). Licensee codes of conduct that are agreements voluntarily between licensees local councils and police in Australia contribute to reductions in overall alcohol-related violence, but also require accompaniment of law enforcement (Ask et al. 2000, p. 127-134). 3.1.6 Guidelines for low-risk drinking Guidelines especially for low-risk drinking for the Australian society are potent forces by the government and other non-governmental organizations (Allsop 1997). They provide recommendations particularly for low-risk drinking (Baron et al. 2001, p.983-988). Among the support for this approach, include the draft Australian alcohol guidelines precisely for low-risk alcohol consumption (NHMRC, 2008). This is absolutely fabulous because it supports responsible drinking and reduces abuse therefore controlling alcohol related illnesses. The approach has been prominent in playing a useful role to increase public awareness and support safe alcohol consumption (Hawthorne 2001, p. 111-119). It also helps facilitate the support of brief interventions as well as clinician advice for alcohol abusers (Allsop 1997). It does not have a direct impact on the government policy setting but the government works gard to facilitate the support of the education approaches. 3.1.7 Standard drinks labeling Standard drinks labeling as well as health warnings on drinks containers in the alcohol industry in Australia also applies as another sizeable force significant in reducing the level of risky consumption of alcohol (Dore 2002, p. 289-309). The government has been on the frontline of developing policies that govern the manufactures on the labeling of alcohol products. Standard drinks labeling is within the same category of provision of logical public information on alcohol abuse (Coggan & Watson 1995). There appears to be public confusion regarding the strength and size of standard drinks as well as standard units of alcohol among the Australian public, therefore, requiring some knowledge input. Warning labels also apply to dangers associated to specific groups in alcohol consumption for instance car drivers, pregnant women, or operators of machinery (Baron et al. 2001, p.983-988). It is a great way of reducing abuse and promoting informed consumption therefore educing any possible illness requiring treatment. Among other leading forces of intervention in Australia reducing the level of alcohol abuse include, alcohol detoxification programs, workplace interventions and school-based alcohol education. 4.1 Conclusion This paper has been looking into forces in the Australian society supporting the continued consumption of alcohol and forces working to reduce alcohol consumption as well as how each of these forces influence prevention, treatment and government policy within Australia. Among the major forces supporting the consumption of alcohol include, inadequate information on alcohol consumption and alcoholic products, the low pricing of wine and other alcoholic products, societal pressures including poverty, financial crisis, increased responsibilities and unemployment,. There have also been exceedingly interventions and forces to control alcohol consumption. They include, higher alcohol taxation, Partial or complete bans of alcohol, intensive enforcement of breath testing as well as lowering the legal blood concentration of alcohol, and Control of drinking environments. What is required is for the government to support the discussed forces, which aim at reducing the consumption in mitigating risky drinking behavior and providing controls on alcohol production, distribution and consumption in the public limelight. References Allsop, S. 1997, Relapse in S. 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