Fever and Infectious Maladies - Case Study Example

16 August 2007 American Indians Since the 17th century, European influences and effects had already penetrated to the tribes at the very core of the continent. But far in advance of European persons ran their epidemic diseases transmitted through the all-too-hospitable flesh of native carriers. Long before most Indians ever laid eyes on the strangers, tribesmen may have suffered from the macrocontact of disease, although demographers have not yet found positive evidence of a pandemic sweeping over the whole continent. Following Betts (2006): “disease constituted one of the principal agents of culture change associated with European contact, dramatically altering indigenous cultural practices” (233). The worst diseases axe those which have been imported by the whites, and which consist in fever and infectious maladies like smallpox, dysentery, and venereal diseases, of which the first mentioned has at times made terrible ravages among the natives of America. Smallpox was one of the most terrible infections brought by Europeans. The terrible ravages of epidemic disease caused great social changes. In mid-seventeenth century, plague and pox claimed multitudes of victims. Smallpox was the first new disease to smite the Indians whose hemispheric isolation had spared their ancestors from Old World plagues, and had consequently prevented natural selection of resistant survivors and their descendants (Vogel 24). The Aztecs and all the other inhabitants of the Americas were what epidemiologists call "virgin soil" for the inadvertent planting of Smallpox, influenza, measles, plague, chickenpox, diphtheria, scarlet fever, and a host of other pestilences. Even the "common" cold was new and could be deadly (Vogel 37). An African slave among the forces of Cortass competitor Panfilo de Narvaez brought smallpox from Cuba in 1520, after which it transmitted itself to both continents. On the way it reduced the population of Central America catastrophically. When Cortess men went into battle, their Aztec foes (and Cortess Indian allies too) were already suffering from the effects of this malign disease (Waldman and Braun 2000). In 1659, 10,000 Indians died in a single epidemic of measles. More "wild" Indians were brought in to restore the missions numbers—the methods of persuasion are not mentioned— and the institution might have survived except for unrelenting attack by human (and Christian) foes. In the sequel, the American Fur Companys men picked up the pieces of Mandan commerce. Sometimes disease struck Indians too conveniently for an inquirers peace of mind. Also, the deliberate infectation of smallpox had occurred at Fort Pitt in 1763. “The usual course of the disease, from initial onset to the loss of all scabs, took roughly one month. Survivors, though often scarred and on rare occasions even blinded by the disease, were also blessed. Having endured smallpox once, they were now immune” (Fenn 10). Whether the epidemic occurred innocently or by design has been the subject of local rumors. Either way, the American Fur Companys ensuing monopoly produced such wealth for German immigrant owner John Jacob Astor that when he cannily invested the profits in New York City real estate he became the richest man in the United States advantage of Aztec numbers, but the conquistadors had an even more potent invisible weapon that guaranteed long-run success however events might go in the short run. Epidemic disease fought and killed in behalf of the Europeans. “The year 1779 was a milestone for smallpox in North America. As the theatre of war moved south, so did the smallpox, primarily affecting civilians, camp followers, and irregular troops in both armies” (Fenn 10). At the end of 18th century, vaccination for smallpox had been promoted for many years, and that dread disease had been largely eradicated by the end of the century. Following Fenn (2003): Epidemic smallpox surfaced first in Boston, that hotbed of revolutionary fervor. Isolated incidents had occurred in surrounding towns in 1774, but by January of 1775, the disease had taken hold in Boston itself. The first battle of the war took place in April, and the disease festered through the summer while the Continental Army was entrenched around the city (10). Stemming largely from the near destruction of village economies, continuing land losses, epidemic disease, endemic alcoholism, and fears that their village societies stood on the verge of destruction, such movements offered hope for both the present and the future. Based on a combination of native religious ideas and elements of Christianity, these revival movements grew out of a yearning for stability, a means for dealing with the unending problems caused by the invading whites, and a hope of finding a way to direct their own affairs (Wonderley 211). None of these movements succeeded in achieving more than a part of its goals for more than a few years, but their very existence indicates the level of social crisis the Indians perceived (Vogel 71-72). Tuberculosis was the first item on the agenda, for its fatal nature threatened to decimate the tribes. Tuberculosis among the Indians was another disease that caught the eye of medical men for one published reports on its incidence and causes. Since 18th, the commissioners of Indian affairs, whose annual reports included sections on all sorts of topics of special concern, found no occasion to devote any space to health until the end of 18th century, when Jones reported the results of a survey of Indian health. Following Vogel (1990): “as early as 1738, Cherokees were reduced by one half in a year time” (155). Hrdlick made an intensive study of selected Indian tribes across the nation: Menominee, Oglala Sioux, Quinaelt, Hupa, and Mojave (Vogel 159, 170). His report presented sobering statistics on tuberculosis among the Indians and concluded that the morbidity and mortality from all forms of tuberculosis among the Indians today exceed by far those among the whites generally; and that their average exceeds even the very high rate among the American negroes (Vogel 170). The causes he listed as "a frequent hereditary taint among the young" (Waldman and Braun 35) the great facility of infection arising from overcrowding at home and at school and the common practice of spitting, the general poverty and undernourishment of the Indians, and infection from milk of tubercular cows. Many Americans called for a campaign to combat ignorance about the disease, special camps for isolating tubercular patients, improvement in houses and other home conditions, better nutrition, and repression of alcoholism (Poupart 144). Venereal diseases (sexually transmitted diseases (STDs)) was another groups of infections which had a great impact on Indian American society. The earliest available account comes from a European. Some chronicles recorded that in 1755 men fell ill with "mens disease". Despite this evidence that sexually transmitted diseases existed among the Indian population, it is difficult to determine the particular types of diseases that were prevalent. There is no reliable means of distinguishing gonorrhea from syphilis (Vogel 48). Apart from a scarcity of available information, this situation is the result of such factors as the discretion with which the subject was generally treated in published accounts and the different ways in which these diseases were recognized according to traditional medical systems. By this time STDs affected people at all levels of society (Waldman and Braun 84). Bearing in mind the scarcity of sources and their bias toward the Indian elite, it appears that prior to the nineteenth century STDs were largely a disease of the affluent. Thus, in the mid eighteenth century the French missionary was still able to comment that "venereal disease is common among the rich," adding that it was a just punishment for their polygamy and debauchery. This caused “economic deprivation, loss of tribal sovereignty, increased dependency, internalized oppression, unresolved historical grief, and the normalization of violence” (Fenn 13). Over 17th -18th centuries, information on morbidity was seriously defective in, perhaps not surprisingly given the size of the country, its populous and predominantly rural nature, and the want of an effective local agency for gathering public health intelligence (Vogel 99). Thus, it was only in the colonial army, where both the opportunities for medical observation and the political imperatives for detection and treatment existed side by side, and not among the civilian population, that statistical data about STDs were first systematically gathered and recorded. The half-civilized Indians make exactly the same distinction between witchcraft,, and epidemic disease (especially smallpox and dysentery), introduced by the whites. As to the latter, Indians have realistic ideas about causes and consequences of these diseases. Again, when a contagious disease, for instance, an epidemic of smallpox, breaks out in a place, the inhabitants generally see no other way of ridding themselves of the unwelcome guest than by leaving their village and emigrating to another part of the country. In such cases they are in the habit of blocking up the path along which they go with sticks and tree branches, in order that the disease, spirit may not be able to follow in their footsteps (Vogel 45). These rituals did not protect Indians from pandemic and but show awareness of health problems and impact on white population on the native Indians. Another ‘disease’ brought by Europeans was alcoholism. By the late 17th century, Indians depended upon trade goods including alcoholism beverages. This process was closely connected with urbanization and colonization. The problems that Indians faced in the new urban environment, with resultant unemployment, slum living, and alcoholism for many of them, led to cries of criticism and outrage against the relocation program, even though the program touched only a minority of Indians who migrated to cities (Poupart 144). The cultural, social, and economic changes that Indians were forced to make in the cities, nevertheless, were critical. Thrown into the white world in a more drastic way than on reservations, Indians faced conflicts between traditional behavioral patterns and urban ways. Extended families and tribal ties were diminished in the cities, and identification with ones occupation became an important element in social change (Waldman and Braun 86). The changes-some of them in rapid and dramatic form--contributed to highly visible social pathology among urban Indians, especially alcoholism, crime, and mental illness. At the same time, the new situations stimulated a sense of social awareness and led to pan-Indian activities. Many substances were used as sources of alcoholic beverages. For example, fruit, honey, various saps of plants, milk, and grains have at one time or another been used. The maguey plant of Mexico not only is useful in making rope and medicines, but also is the source of tequila and pulque, a bitter beer. During the eighteenth century, Europeans introduced alcohol to the Indians. Collins and McNair (2002): These Europeans promoted alcohol use among American Indians by making high-alcohol-content distilled liquor increasingly available to them, and by using it strategically as payment in trade and in negotiating diplomatic agreements. It is likely that American Indians historical experiences with Europeans, particularly the promotion of maladaptive drinking, continues to influence drinking norms and behavior in many American Indian communities today In spite of folk which referred to beverages that may have had an alcohol content, no evidence was unearthed to indicate that they had it before this. Traditionally, the Indians drank only at parties attended by men and women, who were usually the same age. When party time finally comes, the objective was to get drunk (Waldman and Braun 87). Weeping, laughing, showing of affection and resentment, and even physical violence were common, contrary to acceptable sober behavior. Since children and sober people guarded the drinkers, accidents rarely occurred, and if they did they were minor. Women had higher death rates then males alcoholics, approximately 50 to 100%. Another problem was that half of the female alcoholic’s deaths were caused by physiological disorders. In general, women were more sensitive to alcohol tissues damage than a man that is was resulted in premature deaths. Disease brought by Europeans caused thousands of deaths and social degradation of the Indians communities. The society directed its attention mainly toward combating such diseases as smallpox, but sexually transmitted diseases were regarded as far less life-threatening and economically disruptive. There may have been an element of moral judgment in this as well, a belief that those who contracted sexually transmitted diseases did so as a result of their own promiscuity. According to archeological excavations: The analysis of La Crosse region population trends using settlement area and cooking pot capacity revealed a population increase during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries followed by a substantial decline in regional population during the early seventeenth century. The timing, rapidity, and scale of the observed decline are best explained as the result of population losses suffered as a consequence of introduced European disease (Betts 233). Diseases brought by Europeans caused extinction of villages and settlements of American Indians. Women and children were equally represented as the innocent victims of disease. The husband brought the disease home to his wife and children, introducing the germs from public spheres of pleasure to the private sphere of domesticity. Only the man was endowed with a powerful sexual drive that sought an outlet beyond the sphere of domesticity. He was portrayed as a sexual agent capable of transgression, and the sexuality of woman was reduced to a "maternal instinct" that found expression in reproduction alone. Women remained passive victims of male excesses. When an epidemic of smallpox occurred in an Indian village, the inhabitants were in the habit of abandoning the whole place, at least for some time. “References to abandoned villages and to smallpox-scarred Indians can be found in at least a dozen journals kept on seven different voyages to the Pacific north-west from 1787 to 1795” (Fenn 10). In sum, disease brought by Europeans caused extinction of Indians population and social derogation. Under such circumstances it was easy to understand the anxiety with which the Indians, when a strange white man arrived, always asked whether he "bring disease." Both in his own person and in his clothes, and the other mysterious things which he brought with himself, the strange guest was supposed to carry germs of dangerous disease. Disease and death was believed to be the probable consequence of such carelessness. Moreover, the sheer scale of health problems and the paucity of resources presented major obstacles. Poverty both contributed to the spread of a disease and made its containment or eradication even harder than in the affluent West. A deep psychological damage was attached to venereal infection and influenced therapeutic approaches. The concealment of symptoms and reluctance to seek medical advice also made it difficult for observers to get a clear picture of the different infections that afflicted Indians. Works Cited 1. Betts, C. M. Pots and Pox: The Identification of Protohistoric Epidemics in the Upper Mississippi Valley. American Antiquity 71 (2006): 233. 2. Collins, R.C. McNair, L.D. Minority women and alcohol use. Alcohol Research & Health, 2002. 3. Fenn, E.A. The Great Smallpox Epidemic of 1775-82: Elizabeth A. Fenn Examines a Little Known Catastrophe That Reshaped the History of a Continent. History Today 53, (2003): 10-17. 4. Poupart, L.M. Crime and Justice in American Indian Communities. Social Justice, (2002): 144. 5. Vogel, V.J. American Indian Medicine. University of Oklahoma Press, 1990. 6. Waldman, C., Braun, M. Atlas of the North American Indian. Checkmark Books; Revised edition, 2000. 7. Wonderley, A. Effigy Pipes, Diplomacy, and Myth: Exploring Interaction between St. Lawrence Iroquoians and Eastern Iroquois in New York State. American Antiquity, 70 (2005): 211. Read More