Factors That Shape Women's Participating in Intervention Programmes and Evaluating Interventions - Literature review Example

Women Experiences with Various Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) Approaches Whereas difficulty exists in establishing the actual of comfort with and preference to a particular approach to prevent IPV, it is possible to construct the progress made in various techniques employed for the same. Among the most celebrated prevention methods that women victims feel comfortable to embrace towards healing are those techniques that empower personal initiative to prevent and mitigate the impacts of such violence (Conway, 2004, p44). The importance of empowering individuals underscores the fundamental objective of campaigns against violence among marginalised groups. It is therefore expected that the most important achievements in overcoming violence in intimate relationships would be achieved where women feel comfortable to tackle the challenge sustainably for the long term. According to Bohn and Hagemann-White (2007, p22), the negative impacts experienced in violence cases contribute to intimidation of the victims leading to loss of self confidence. Within the general environment where victims need assistance to cope with potential threats witnessed in the violence-infested relationship, elimination of the intimidation and rebuilding of confidence best works through empowerment. In order to feel comfortable and appreciated to raise self confidence to levels sufficient to participate in antiviolence programs, women would be comfortable to engage in empowerment programs that any other alternative (Aguado and Ariaz 2002, p47). Alternatively, empowering enables women to handle challenges with an assurance of reliable intervention from personal initiative, which is by far more effective than a majority of other interventions. On the other hand, Bohn and Hagemann-White (2007, p45) reckon that the mechanisms targeting bringing to justice the perpetrators of violence bring a different perspective into the debate. Apparently, it is correct to note that while one of the approaches provokes a rather internal approach to the intimacy violence, the other appears to promote an outsider approach. The outcomes of the two approaches would therefore present the relationship with certain issues that may complicate the entire ease with which women choose interventions approaches to violence in their romantic relationships. As an illustration to the complication that the pursuing of the perpetrators could bring to the relationship, many cases of violence go unreported as women fear that the outcomes of reporting would be unpleasant as opposed to handling the problem silently. In view of the uptake of intervention alternatives available to women facing IPV, the above two perspectives on empowerment and pursuing the perpetrators form the basis of the discussion on how women interact with different IPV management programs. Firstly, primary interventions targeting the missing link for desired outcomes in reducing violence targeting the provision of basic capacity to deal with IPV form a part of participating in successful management. Women would not have challenges in creating awareness through participation in various campaigns raising their concerns across to the masses (Freire 1995, p72). In light of the nature of primary interventions as classified above, availing the information to the victims contributes to empowerment and it is among the preferred alternatives that women can easily take part in. Apparently, provision of information to the general public irrespective of the gender may generate better outcomes than when the target group of female victims is singled out and information availed to them in isolation. In view of the perceived safety on the intervention programs available, women victims are more likely to adopt the interventions that leave not baggage on making the disclosures (Fyne et al. 2008, p507). The role of an intervention program is to leave the victims having a safer environment than the relationship in which they experienced the violence, where the majority of women affirm the safety of the disclosure environment. Women find it difficult to make decisions to adopt a method of intervention where they would not feel emotionally understood and welcomed. The initial screening is therefore very important in determining how confident a woman perceives the entire process as determined by the emotional appreciation perceived from the onset. Despite the fact that the authors report that the respondents had a feeling of relative safety after making the disclosure of IPV, it is not the safety at the reporting time that determines the overall decision (Laing 2003, p9). Women would feel victimised and in a worse situation, if the level of violence would be affected when found out to have made such disclosures to authorities. As an illustration, the safety level within the relationship as an outcome of a woman making damaging disclosures on her partner would drop if the partner felt threatened as opposed to one where both find assistance to resolve their differences. Progress throughout the program is dependent on the ability of the system to keep the interests of the victim at a closer watch. Women feel that group sessions and support groups contribute a lot in terms of assessing their development that when in individual sessions. Apparently, violence falls under a unique category of psychological needs that best resolve with an inclusive system as opposed to sessions that proceed in individual isolation. Women undergoing IPV screening program reported that they require a supportive environment that would tremendously improve if a more inclusive picture were availed. According to Fyne et al. (2008, p509), women respondents reported that they felt safe when aware of the participation of their counterparts and wanted the information relayed to other victims. It is obvious that the sharing component delivers a self-appraisal opportunity from which personal growth can be established for various participants. Perhaps the impact generated by the collective feeling of participation amounts to empowerment towards the healing process which raises self confidence. Evidence of numbers in participation also alleviates the isolation perception and contributes to the generation of a different perspective on the quality of service that the women can collectively make of the program (Lather, 1991, p13). Group influence on the perceptions held about the program may promote the positive objective of the program, making it a powerful tool to send the message across to the participants. Aguado and Ariaz (2002, p39) recognise the importance of sensitisation campaigns in empowering women, which would generate tremendous improvement in the way both men and women perceive violence. The authors isolate stereotypical notions as the most important barrier to break in order to eliminate violence against women. Despite the fact that the authors highlight a slightly different form of violence at the workplace, it would be correct to transpose the conditions of the form of violence to intimate partners as established within the society. It is important therefore to allocate priority to programs that educate the masses in order to allow the woman to be perceived differently with regard to maltreatment and violence by demystifying traditionally held stereotypical thoughts. This is therefore, perhaps one of the most underutilised channels of empowerment since several societies across the world continue to hold a lower status for women thereby subjecting them to different forms of violence including inside intimate unions. Successful implementation of programs aimed at increasing sensitisation of the public to violent stereotypes needs lauding and copied as studies conducted in Holland illustrate (Aguado and Ariaz 2002, p38). Confronting retrogressive attitudes among the youth in the education system where both boys and girls have equal opportunity raises the ability of the society in terms changing the mindset. Equipping the young women with the appropriate knowledge on IPV will facilitate their approach in the future when personally dealing with such problems in the future (Fyne et al. 2008, p504). Reluctance to respond to IPV through all the available mechanisms is therefore attributable to the apparent lack of information to the women who fall victims to repetitive interaction with IPV. According to the authors, the level of education for the entire society, including the providers of the appropriate assistance on the extent of the challenge implicates the form of response witnessed among a particular society (Bukoski and Sloboda 2003, p76). Primary prevention at the schools level targets to train the young people to shift their gender perceptions from a young age towards elimination of the gender inequality. In the establishment of mutual respect among boys and girls at school, women’s status in the society is guaranteed a huge shape-up since the men brought up by the education system has a different view on violence (Kalichman 2001, p3). Women support the role played by education in provision of a societal perception overhaul, towards elimination of victimisation and related marginalisation. When compared to the promise that the training of children to overcome traditionally held violent attitudes, other alternatives may not address the root of the deep lying challenge that runs back to antiquity. According to Huser and Small (2010, p1), family based programs which target the youth are highly effective in the implementation of prevention of a particular social vice. The authors reckon that the implementation of the program among the young generation from a tender school level facilitates the universal delivery of the theme across the various settings. Women’s choice of interventions where they gain interrogation that does not appear sensitive to their feelings and trauma is relatively low. Despite the fact that the interventions provided may take the shape of the aggression in the IPV, women are reluctant to respond to all interventions equally due to the nature of sensitivity demonstrated by the assisting parties. As an illustration, Fyne et al. (2008, p506) report of responses from IPV victims to the effect that they dreaded the questioning subjected to them regarding the violence, usually resulting into emotional episodes some as bad as crying. Perhaps the level of sensitivity with which the interrogation proceeds would be a factor determining the pre-emptive judgment that a victim would make during the initial interaction and associate comfort with sensitivity demonstrated as the questioning proceeds. It is probable that a victim would feel victimised if the interrogation proceeds with the generation of the impression that the woman played a role in the violence at the earliest instances of the conversation, which would lower confidence in the disclosure process (Anglin and Sachs 2003, p1120). Effective questioning would be attached to the process where the interrogator employs sensitive approach to protect the confidence perception that the victim has, by making them feel protected and secure. The attitude of the questioner is different in the nature of the capacity and intention of the interrogation. For instance, the interrogation purposes of a legal process may not be as sensitive to the feelings of the victim when compared to those of a counsellor based on the intentions of the interrogation (UN 2010, p9). Whereas one is targeted at gathering information with potential contributory role of the victim in the IPV, the other is targeted at restoring self worth and belief. As an important determinant of how comfortable the screening and interrogation is conducted, the reintroduction of the traumatic experience without the deliberate and appropriate intention of resolution may hinder a positive appraisal from the victims. According to Fyne et al. (2008, p508), many respondents feel that the routine visitation of a severely traumatising event in an IPV program triggers unpleasant memories. It therefore follows that the recovery technique employed in the intervention determines the outcome of the experience for the woman. As an illustration, on one hand, a program that involves a counselling procedure that revisits the grievous episode of violence in a relationship may have a nasty beginning and end on a better note. The reason for this intervention ending well is associated with psychological techniques employed in counselling taking the victim through the grief and loss cycle that must tackle nasty memories (Bohn, S., & Hagemann-White 2002, p26). On the other hand, a legal process may trigger emotional episodes during the interrogation sessions but fail to deliver the healing unless psychological assistance is sought. This apparent lower level of healing emerges from the fact that the justice sought in the legal process may not be sufficient to solve psychological wounds as counselling does. Available data regarding the uptake of certain IPV prevention programs following deliberate support and improvement demonstrates the shifting practice in appreciation of gender issues. Rodwell and Smith (2008, p5) report that the New South Wales improved court model to deal firmly with cases of domestic violence acted as a trigger to the number of reported cases when compared to the previous system. The Domestic Violence Intervention Court Model (DVICM) presented an opportunity to the state apparatus to provide the needed assurance that the women need towards making disclosures and following up cases of IPV. The overall impact that the judicial mechanisms under the DVICM achieves in promoting women in various ways to upgrade their willingness to confront the challenge of violence touches on a number of contributions (Fyne et al. 2010, p509). The new court system facilitates in the making disclosures while also empowerment women to apply consider the use of state force to resolve violence. By encouraging victims to participate in the war against violence by reporting to the police, the new court arrangement contributes by way of advocacy and, attrition of the legal mechanisms as a suitable model to counter social vices (Hester and Westnarland 2005, p41). This implies that the ordinary society setting needs a rapid makeover as the New South Wales case study illustrates, in regaining confidence among victims of abuse and violence. The role of the other social tools and channels in elimination of violence against women demonstrates the level of potential that the society possesses to improve the experience of women interacting with available interventions to cater for IPV. According to Raising Voices (n.d., p31), media holds an important avenue for human rights advocacy as well as gender campaigns that would facilitate women to come to the aid of available mechanisms to solve violence. Despite References Aguado, J. D., & Arias, R. M., (2002) Good practice guide to mitigate the effects of and eradicate violence against women, [online] Available from [accessed 8 July 2012]. Anglin, D., & Sachs, C., (2003) Preventive care in the emergency department: Screening for domestic violence in the emergency department, Acad Emerg Med, vol. 10, pp.1118 –1127 Bohn, S., & Hagemann-White, C. (2002) Protecting women against violence, [online] Available from [accessed 8 July 2012]. Bukoski, W. J., & Sloboda, Z. 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