Post - War Reconstruction - Essay Example

POST WAR RECONSTRUCTION by Student’s name Code+ course name Professor’s name University name City, State Date   Introduction Women have been playing various roles within the conflicts and post-conflicts reconstruction and peace building. There is an assumption that women possess extra abilities at their disposal that have been helping them as they maintained and built peace. Studies have shown that women are actively involved in conflicts as protestors, and later as peace-builders. Though women are to a greater extent being represented at the higher ranks within the government organization and major intergovernmental services, they remain significantly missing within the course of formal post-conflicts, for example in the settlement and negotiation and the formation of fresh governance structure. Majority of main negotiators in any peace deal have been established as prime ministers, military specialists, United Nation peace-brokering representatives (Andy 2005). Majority of the abovementioned negotiators have been men and this leaves a significant gap whenever it comes to the issue of gender mainstreaming. The customary roles of women that have been consigned to the private sector and usually incapable - or not supported - to have an open participation in the political activities has had a meaning that the endeavor of women after the conflicts aim at the concept of building peace from the grassroots bottom-up mechanism on the basis of the provision of direct and holistic public support, and making use of relationships (Purkarthofer 2006, 6). In the course of the conflicts, women peace activists make use of the influential images of femininity as a way of supporting their goals. In Argentina, in 1970, Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo had to protest for the termination of the cruel system, beseeching the army of Argentina for the fact that their sons and daughters had been ‘disappeared’. Based on the influential metaphors of parenthood and under the support of the Latin American trust in marianismo, these Mothers were able to move even to places where the ordinary men couldn’t. They were using this freedom in protesting and bringing to light actual personal losses and acknowledgment of the real human beings cost of the conflicting issue. The female peace protesters and their stress on female’s respect and their bodies, similarly, stimulated many communities within Sierra Leone to strive for peace. Of course, within the course of many conflicts, women end up fighting. The female members of the Sierra Leone military actively got involved in the cruel civil war, which occurred in 1992 to 2002. Successive government and hired army and the rebellious Revolutionary United Front (RUF) under the leadership of Foday Saybana Sankoy ruined the communities in Sierra Leone. Faced by stiff poverty, a good number of women ended up joining in as a way of gaining some sovereignty and authority over their livelihood. Women ended up being subjected to excessive gender associated violence after they were kidnapped into armed forces, treated as sex slaves or made to be ‘wives’ of males soldiers. From that point, majority of them ended up taking up arms. Following the conflict, the Sierra Leonean’s female non government organizations (NGOs) made a contribution to the peace-building through the creation of the grassroots tasks in the rebuilding of the communities, restoration of their access to the basic needs and supporting with childcare and skills-trainings. Female soldiers were, from time to time, marginalized from the formal DDR programs as a result of an unwillingness to formalize their involvement as soldiers, and the groups of women delivered practical support. Instead of focusing on the high-level administrative reforms they facilitated individuals to salvage the state of community and reintegration. The roles of women during the conflict scenarios Protesting peacefully In 1977, 14 women held a meeting and formed networks while looking for any sign of their “missing” sons and daughters, ‘disappeared’ in Argentina. These fourteen women identified themselves as a group, an referred to themselves as "Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo" (Diana 2001).They wore unique white headscarves, when they had their first gathering on April 30th at the Plaza de Mayo, the centre of operations of the Government of Argentina within Buenos Aires, Argentina, as an indication of their team spirit so that as a group, they would insist for exhaustive information in regard to their missing children. It has been approximated that between 30,000 – 45,000 individuals had been taken by the reigning armed Junta, who had conquered the Peronist Government (1973-1976) and started to systematically abduct or kill political rivals or rebels (Kristina 2001). Women role as mothers Mothers are treated with a high level of respect, and a particular adoration in the Latin American traditions. On the basis of the traditional cultural customs and Catholicism, marianismo includes the idea of self-sacrifice, submissiveness, caretaking, responsibility, honor, sexual morals, and the duty of women as mothers. The Mothers from Argentina took advantage of this traditional notion to shield themselves from severe and fierce consequences. As they looked for the answers in regard to their children, who were missing, the officers treated these Mothers with a lot of respect due to their responsibility as mothers, beside a particular rudeness associated to their seeming weaknesses. Since the public was much aware that women had a very special position in their society, these women were granted a significant sovereignty to protest in public. These women took this advantage as a tactic to maneuver the challenges after they had tactfully analyzed their role in their community. Since these women were perceived to be of no arm, they were able to move into public places, for example, streets and plazas, and had security officers paying very attention to them. (Krause 2004). The Mothers’ demonstrations were based on the family, parenthood and human rights. The mothers’ reactions created awareness in regard to the actions of junta, which had been masked secretly and in silence. They were able to use various peaceful civic actions as they played on the matter of their vanished children. Various balloons that were named were released; life-sized silhouettes and paper hand cut-outs that symbolized the hands of the individuals who had vanished were circulated all over (Pam 1999). They also made parades as they wore masks that depicted their lost children. These influential illustrations of their kids not only resulted to the bringing of the truth regarding the children’s disappearance to the attention of the public at large but also gave alerts to the administrative system that by ‘disappearing’ individuals, didn’t necessarily had a meaning that mean they had really ‘disappeared’. While not there, these Mothers, made marks of their being there on the Plaza through painting s of white headscarves made on the ground. The scarf represented a mother and was a mark of the public place as theirs. These motifs are up-to-date painted on some streets of Buenos Aires (Earl 2005). However, these women were not spared after their demonstrations triggered community reaction. In October 1977 following a number of women who had delivered a petition that had 24,000 signatures that demanded an inquiry on the allegations that the police-force had used tear gas while dispersing them, shot bullets into the air and detained more than 300 for interrogation. By the end of December 1977 the junta had vanished 12 women, together with the leader Azucena Villaflor. Despite these challenges, the Mothers continued with their norm of returning to the Plaza (Mabel, B 1999). The Mothers ensured that the globe was hearing them and teamed up with the global organisations as a way of taking their cries of their kids further (Nora and Carlos 1987, 15). They continued agitating for revolution; they also campaigned against the mandatory armed forces service and restructuring to the criminal code. These women continued gathering at 3.30pm on Thursdays, as they kept the memories of their relatives living as they protested against the absence of formal appreciation and information (Rupesinghe 1995). Sierra Leonean Women were also using their bodies and the cultural values pertaining the sexuality and honor of women as a ways of protesting for peace. In a well-known act, in May 2000 some elderly women made an approach to the compound of the Sankoh, who was the RUF leader, and protested against the contravention of the 1999 Lome Peace Accord. Following their mistreatment, they had to hitch up their skirts, bend over and bare themselves to the troops. This reaction was perceived to be a curse upon the concerned men. The citizens in Sierra Leone, later, were obliged to honor women and defend them against any ill-treatment (Mazurana and Carlson 2004, 4). Women acting as combatants The perception that a woman is a peacemaker and a man a violent warrior runs deep in communities, especially whenever one looks at media perception of women and men under conflict circumstances. However, in many conflicts women have been actively participating in fighting. The cause, of their physical fights, is intricate. In Sierra Leone various women were by force conscripted, and their participation as combatants, in an intricate manner, tied up in their roles as the ordinary ‘wives’. The incidences of sexual violence had become so rampant within the military camps. However, the female soldiers also made their own violation, as a way of escaping the lives of poverty or repression. Coulter reacts to this scenario by stating that women aren’t victims all through – though some of them end up becoming victims due to their state of being women (Coulter 2008, 59). The Sierra Leonean civil war commenced on March 1991 after the RUF invaded Sierra Leone from the nation of Liberia and had an attempt of overthrowing the Government, who reacted forcefully, the resulting civil war lasted for eleven years. Though, for the most part about power and resources, the fighting groups were aiming at the civilians. About 75,000 individuals were killed, and almost 250,000 girls and women estimated were raped or sexual abused (Coulter 2008, 58). It is approximated that 7 percent of the military officers were women (Gizelis 2009, 511) though the precise figures are hard to be measured since the DDR programs did not include them. What made women in Sierra Leone to join military? There was recruitment of women and girls, trained on weapons and fighting though not all were likely to be participating in frontline battles in the similar manner. Infrequent occasions, killings, and various combat strategies were more usual of their roles (Coulter 2008, 59). In addition, they were taking on more ‘traditional’ responsibilities of women in warfronts such as in nursing, cookery, and wives. Though a good number of women and girls were kidnapped into the armed forces, guarded keenly (usually by other girls) and were sent out to the military force whenever their husbands got tired of them, and a big number made a decision of joining the military service. Sierra Leonean women usually lead a hard life as a result of poverty and inequality. The magnitude of poverty is terrible within the remote places, with the families that are headed by females being the most affected (Megan 2009). The females who were made to be the ‘wives’ of their captors were usually holding significant authority in the RUF camps. As the female ex-combatants were being interviewed, the women confessed of their power over the other military troops. Mazurana and Carlson established that whenever the commanders were not around, their women remained in of the troops. Their women had the liberty of selecting and sending combatants, spies, and support whenever they were required to. The girls and women made decision daily on who, within the site, would be fighting, providing investigations, and raiding villages (Mazurana and Carlson 2004, 19). The ex-female soldiers explained vividly how they supervised Small Girls troops, with girls at the ages between 6-15 years, who were mainly meant to raid and spy various villages (Mazurana and Carlson 2004, 14). The position of command – may it be real or psychological – majority of female combatants held differed considerably with their former states, providing some sense of right over their personal lives. The decision of becoming a military officer did not necessarily have a significant improvement to the women’s immediate lot. Female soldiers, women and girls too were susceptible to cruelty from their own ranks. They frequently faced cases of raping, slavery, unplanned pregnancy, rejection, psychological bullying and displacement. Wives usually had to pay a high price for their authority. There was an expectation that they would be taking on other ‘wifely’ responsibilities, for example, washing of clothes and to be sexually accessible This was a sort of being enslaved and psychological manipulation – as they continued to show their loyalty and affection as they would be said to be under the men’s protection. Coulter asserts that though women were actively participating in the battles, they were often sexually abused and forced labor since they were taken as only women. (Coulter 2008). The participation of women during the post conflict incidences Pparticipated in Peace-building In Sierra Leone as men continued leading the formal peace negotiations and the formation of DDR, women reacted by embarking on community peace-building. The community peace-building was based on the joint action on the solid actions socially, economically and psychologically for the provision of support. Since they are perceived to be of insignificant threat, especially in the traditional cultures of Sierra Leone, the efforts of women can usually be given support in public just like society cooperation or a continuance of the usual women’s work (Gunter 2011). Customary, women have actively participated in socio-cultural spheres of the community, especially in economic and governance structures, thus they have gotten know-how and skills that are needed in the reformation of the links that seem to be cut. Women are expected to be caring for their families and keeping communities running as men take up weaponry and leave the places. Women are usually associated with aspects of being community centered, positive, friendly to children and calm. Hunt and Posa argue that the peace-building of women has emphasis on psychosocial, relational, and religious matters. (Swanee and Cristina 2001). Laying the foundations of peace Having women being equipped with practical trainings in tailoring helped have economic empowerment and provided a safer chance for support groups to be formed, and this allowed women to be sharing their personal stories with their colleagues. Once women know that their individuals experiences are a shared experience can have a significant have impacts on the capability of women in processing trauma (Mabel, B 1999). Locally, Luawa Skills Training Center within Kailahun, Women’s Progressive Movement (WPM) within Freetown as well as the Caritas-Makeni found in Makeni are all working on various projects such as skills trainings, offering medical support, looking for parents or giving support to the abandoned kids, childcare, and giving alternative assistance to the individuals who participate in prostitution (Mats 2005). In a research carried out by Mazurana and Carlson (2004), 55% of the respondents reported that women were playing a significant role in reintegration – comparing this to the local leaders at 20% and global aid employees at 32%. Women were sharing the little resources at their disposal, and continued providing childcare, clothing and food. Essentially, these women turned out to be the role models for their female ex-combatants, majority of whom had hard lives in the wilderness. The female ex-combatants depended on their assistance, and felt that they were offering to them some practical assistance (Mazurana and Carlson: 2004). Conclusion In conflict incidences, women have been actively participating in various ways. Women have protested, had armed fighting and initiated local renovation efforts as a way of offering assistance to have individuals reclaim their lives. In the countries of Argentina and Sierra Leone, women have continued to work together and collaborating with the community as a major component during their protesting and peace-building tasks. Women gained more strength once they had joined the movements that were empowering them. There are various reasons as to why Sierra Leonean women had to the military forces as armed soldiers. Some felt that once they took the of role of being ‘wives’ to the soldiers, they would be protected and given some extent of power, which was a contrast to the limited independence they had while living outside. However, to the surprise of most women, the military camps turned out to be places where they were faced with gender violence and their bodies being used against their wish. Women joined the course of conflict as a way of fighting their discontent with the Sierra Leonnese community status. In the course of protesting and peace-building activities, women discussed and brought activities around to what really mattered – kids, loved ones and the impacts of the conflicts on their homestead and society. Women had a vital role conflict and post conflict incidences whenever they reminded the society about the truth in regard to the ‘disappearance’ of their children. Women protestors were raging wars due to the impacts the conflicts had on their family members and society, and they have been granted with the space to carry out with their demonstrations on the basis that the community assumed that they had a role as women and were harmless. The Mothers did exploit their social status gathering in public places and publicly protesting the authorities’ secretive activities as they continued working preserving the memories in regard to their disappeared children alive. In Argentina and Sierra Leone, these activities united the communities to react, and gave information to the broader global network of human rights ill-treatment. Following the conflicts, the women’s sluggishness and harmlessness – or seeming inactivity – in fighting has allowed them to access some liberty in the implementation projects that have been getting to the heart of reconstructing the communities. Since they are marginalized as far as official activities are concerned, they have very few chances in regard to the negotiation of the overarching approach and new governance structure. In Sierra Leone, the abovementioned negligence moved on the official re-integration processes that were offering the necessary assistance and retraining. Research has showed that women work while aiming at rebuilding communities as they use the existing needs of their societies as their guidelines. Reference List Andy, B 2005, UNICEF Report on Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration of Children Associated with the Fighting Forces: Lessons learned in Sierra Leone. UNICEF. Dakar, Senegal. Coulter, C 2008, Female Fighters in the Sierra Leone War: Challenging the Assumptions? Feminist Review, No 88, War (2008) Diana, T 2001, Making a Spectacle: The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo. Journal of the Association for Research on Mothering. Vol 3, No 2. Earl, C 2005, Peacebuilding and Human Security: A Constructivist Perspective. International Journal of Peace Studies, Volume 10, Number 1, Spring/Summer 2005. Gizelis, T 2009, Gender Empowerment and United Nations Peacebuilding. Journal of Peace Research 2009 46: 505. Gunter, B 2011, Post Conflict Reconstruction in Africa: Lessons from Sierra Leone. Insight on Africa 3.1 (Jan-Jun 2011). Krause, C 2004, The Role and Example of Chilean and Argentinian Mothers in Democratisation. Development in Practice, Vol. 14, No. 3 (Apr 2004). Kristina, E 2001, I’ll Take the High Road: Two Pathways to Altruistic Political Mobilization against Repression in Argentina.Political Psychology, Vol. 22, No. 3. Mabel, B 1999, Childless Motherhood: Interview with Nora Cortinas, a Mother of the Plaza de Mayo. Argentina. Reproductive Health Matters, Vol. 7, No. 13. Mazurana, D; and Carlson, K 2004, From Combat to Community: Women and Girls of Sierra Leone.Women Waging Peace and The Policy Commission Ideas series. Megan, M 2009. Securitization and Desecuritization: Female Soldiers and the Reconstruction of Women in Post-Conflict Sierra Leone. Security Studies, 18:2. Nora, A; and Carlos, A 1987, Argentina’s Mothers of Plaza de Mayo: The Mourning Process from Junta to Democracy. Feminist Studies, Vol. 13, No. 1. Swanee, H; and Posa, C 2001, Women Waging Peace: Inclusive Security.Foreign Policy 124 May/June 2001. Pam, M 1999, You Can't Kill the Spirit: Women and Nonviolent Action. Nonviolent Social Movements: A Geographical Perspective. Chapter 2, Malden, Mass: Blackwell Purkarthofer, P 2006, Gender and Gender Mainstreaming in International Peacebuilding, Presentation at International Studies Association (ISA) Conference Panel: Gendering Peace, March 22-25, 2006, San Diego, USA. Rupesinghe, K 1995, Conflict Transformation.Conflict Transformation. Ed Kumar Rupesinghe. London: MacMillan Read More

The roles of women during the conflict scenarios Protesting peacefully In 1977, 14 women held a meeting and formed networks while looking for any sign of their “missing” sons and daughters, ‘disappeared’ in Argentina. These fourteen women identified themselves as a group, an referred to themselves as "Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo" (Diana 2001).They wore unique white headscarves, when they had their first gathering on April 30th at the Plaza de Mayo, the centre of operations of the Government of Argentina within Buenos Aires, Argentina, as an indication of their team spirit so that as a group, they would insist for exhaustive information in regard to their missing children.

It has been approximated that between 30,000 – 45,000 individuals had been taken by the reigning armed Junta, who had conquered the Peronist Government (1973-1976) and started to systematically abduct or kill political rivals or rebels (Kristina 2001). Women role as mothers Mothers are treated with a high level of respect, and a particular adoration in the Latin American traditions. On the basis of the traditional cultural customs and Catholicism, marianismo includes the idea of self-sacrifice, submissiveness, caretaking, responsibility, honor, sexual morals, and the duty of women as mothers.

The Mothers from Argentina took advantage of this traditional notion to shield themselves from severe and fierce consequences. As they looked for the answers in regard to their children, who were missing, the officers treated these Mothers with a lot of respect due to their responsibility as mothers, beside a particular rudeness associated to their seeming weaknesses. Since the public was much aware that women had a very special position in their society, these women were granted a significant sovereignty to protest in public.

These women took this advantage as a tactic to maneuver the challenges after they had tactfully analyzed their role in their community. Since these women were perceived to be of no arm, they were able to move into public places, for example, streets and plazas, and had security officers paying very attention to them. (Krause 2004). The Mothers’ demonstrations were based on the family, parenthood and human rights. The mothers’ reactions created awareness in regard to the actions of junta, which had been masked secretly and in silence.

They were able to use various peaceful civic actions as they played on the matter of their vanished children. Various balloons that were named were released; life-sized silhouettes and paper hand cut-outs that symbolized the hands of the individuals who had vanished were circulated all over (Pam 1999). They also made parades as they wore masks that depicted their lost children. These influential illustrations of their kids not only resulted to the bringing of the truth regarding the children’s disappearance to the attention of the public at large but also gave alerts to the administrative system that by ‘disappearing’ individuals, didn’t necessarily had a meaning that mean they had really ‘disappeared’.

While not there, these Mothers, made marks of their being there on the Plaza through painting s of white headscarves made on the ground. The scarf represented a mother and was a mark of the public place as theirs. These motifs are up-to-date painted on some streets of Buenos Aires (Earl 2005). However, these women were not spared after their demonstrations triggered community reaction. In October 1977 following a number of women who had delivered a petition that had 24,000 signatures that demanded an inquiry on the allegations that the police-force had used tear gas while dispersing them, shot bullets into the air and detained more than 300 for interrogation.

By the end of December 1977 the junta had vanished 12 women, together with the leader Azucena Villaflor. Despite these challenges, the Mothers continued with their norm of returning to the Plaza (Mabel, B 1999). The Mothers ensured that the globe was hearing them and teamed up with the global organisations as a way of taking their cries of their kids further (Nora and Carlos 1987, 15).

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