The Extent to Which Childrens Experiences of Sexual Harassment Are Not Taken Serious - Literature review Example

The Extent to Which Children’s Experiences of Sexual Harassment Are Not Taken Serious Student’s Name Instructor’s Name Subject Details Due Date Sexual harassment in children has been on the rise over the recent years. This occurs even when various child care agencies have centralized their efforts in ensuring that children are free of sexual harassment. When children are sexually harassed, their dignity is violated, and they feel uncomfortable. However, when sexual harassment among children is connected to societal power structures, it becomes even more serious as children sometimes become victims of discrimination of violations such as assault, hate crimes, and battery. According to Mitchell et al. (2014, p. 280-295), the components of the society like the family, school, church and government have not taken sexual harassment of children as a serious matter. Children are often harassed, and their arguments discarded when they make an appeal. More often, the doers of such actions derive their support from the community agents which frees them with claims that children are too sensitive. In this manner, the society treats sexual harassment in children as ‘horseplay' as the perpetrators remain ‘victim-blaming.' Significantly though, there is a wide range of measures that have been put in place to ensure that the harassment of children is effectively combated. Such measures include policies and legal frameworks of which, not all have worked to eliminate this behavior appropriately. As much as these policies and legal frameworks exist, there are few similar initiatives that have been developed to handle sexual harassment of young people. One of the platforms in which children are sexually harassed without action being properly handled is in their learning institutions. Melane (2014) shows that 60% of sexual harassment activities among children occur in schools and out of these cases, only 2% are effectively handled after being reported. This study found that teachers and other school stakeholders are not giving such cases the attention it deserves. More often than not, the stakeholders fail to pass proper judgments inadequately to determine the cause of the matter. An issue contributing to this particular inefficiency is the lack of trained specialists who can effectively handle children matters in school as far as sexual harassment is concerned. Similar research conducted by the UN Convention on the Rights of Child showed that sexual harassment in schools occurred in two for every eight children Nickerson et al. (2014, p. 391-400). As Smahel & Wright (2014, p. 14) exemplifies, a coherent picture created from some of these instances is that sexual harassment in children is part and parcel of daily life; various school stakeholders are tolerating sexual harassment by not taking appropriate action; the school and the community defining sexual matters and relationships through subjecting children to pornography; and parent struggling to get their children out of this experience. Livingstone & Görzig, 2014, p. 8-15) postulates that despite having an indication that the government and the existing legislation have achieved a logical plan that would ensure child safety, sexual violence and sexual harassment among children occur as often as many times. In this manner, schools have taken sexual harassment to be acceptable and part of school life (Renold, 2002, p. 415-434) The scale of sexual harassment in schools has been heightened by authorities who view related acts as having emanated from peer relationship cultures. As such, these acts are justified as being non-violent and with a perception that no harm was meant by doing them. This makes it difficult to quantify evidence as nobody is clear on what consensual sexual activities should be like in the school. A 2016 report published by the Women and Equalities Committee revealed that sexual harassment is perceived as inevitable and normal among children (Skoog et al. p. 318). The community holds in custody, the values and norms that govern how children should be treated. Conversely, these norms and values are sometimes misused and end up turning against the victim himself/herself. Tuija& Emman (2016, p. 754-759)) have discussed cases in the community where sexually harassed victims do not get relief since the problem is not treated with the seriousness it deserves as the community deems it as less imperative. It is still too prevalent as people are dramatically less aware of these happenings. The community comprises of various authorities that can integrate its values and norms to promote child care and safety. However, it is, in contrast, to finding that reported lawsuits take an exceedingly long time and even ends with the inappropriate action being adopted. The society portrays sexual harassers as mere individuals with low self-esteem. Such a perception facilitates harassment acts on children as the perpetrators qualify their actions as they feel to be having the power to do that what the society can tolerate. The community has not invested fully in the upbringing of the girl child. Most cases of sexual harassment involve young girls of between ages 6 to 9. A study conducted by the American Association of University Women in 2015 revealed that 50% of the sexually harassed children are more likely to be girls. As the study revealed, only 12% of such cases are reported to relevant authoritiesHenry & Powell, 2015. P. 104-118). Fewer cases being reported to fail to get an equally fair judgment as it becomes more difficult to prove sexual harassment. Such a perception that sexual harassment in children is difficult to prove has rendered many cases non-existent, and thus perpetrators are easily cleared. Meinck et al. (2015, p. 81-107) argues that the community presents various contexts of experiences that pre-teen boys and girls are involved in. These contexts have no clear specifications, and as such, aspects of pleasure, fun, safety, sexual threats and risks are not effectively differentiated. The existing norms do no fully define the ways in which local and cultural sexual cultures should be integrated. For instance, violence towards girls and heterosexual harassment and homophobic harassment are easily rationalized and justified with the existing gender norms (Lombard 2014). In the same manner, young people and children justify and trivialize violence and gender-based sexual harassment that occur in their daily life experiences. In the western society, sexual issues like sexuality of children become complicated when it is not comprehensively understood. Such attributes make a child's response towards an act of sexual harassment unproductive. For instance, child prostitution is viewed as a violation of children's rights and a desecration of social taboos of family roles. According to Clear et al. 2014, p. 1203-1291), the society has not achieved the means for articulating this a sexual harassment act, and as such, it is simply described as a passive activity making the culprit’s level to be zero. Additionally, associations and perceptions that have been incorporated regarding economic and social contexts have in one way or the other contributed to social constructions of child prostitutes. For instance, the family's ideologies about the child and their vulnerability have made it difficult to understand the actuality behind these acts. Cases of child sexual harassment have been reported to be facilitated by individuals who ought to be privileged with power. To meet their sexual ends, such people resolve to abuse their power by promoting children substitution (Brown, 2004, p. 350). This clearly explains why an outraged community is likely to face a problem of lack of an obvious remedy which sometimes ends up being weighted out of proportion. Every case of sexual harassment in children is different, and as such, there are different factors that contribute to their occurrence. It is important to look at the social, institutions, group and individual perspectives to fully understand the situation whenever and wherever it occurs. For instance, individual perspectives are normally used in schools and the community to understand a problem. This approach makes it easier for harassers to raise their status as per a particular social group and position to which they belong. Critically, there are several other perspectives from which the nature of sexual harassment among children can be understood from. For instance, there is a particular group's sense of security, the norms that apply in a particular setting and the leadership of the society can be used to provide a more comprehensive basis for understanding issues related to sexual harassment in children (Brown, 2004, p. 344-354). The Norm-Critical approach can be used to estimate the extent to which efforts are being made to curb sexual harassment in children by terming them as universal beings. This approach requires that it is only norms that can dictate what is considered normal and acceptable in the society (Clear et al. 2014, p. 1200). An example of such is a community where boys and girls are expected to have different life interests. Similarly, there are norms that apply to a specific community and school. Such includes the kind of music one listens to and the type of fashion to wear. When these norms are subverted, and their existence ignored, they become less relevant and cannot address child care and safety. It would therefore not be easy to reorganize such value to meet whatever it takes to handle sexual harassment cases in peer culture adequately and effectively. A 2015 Human Rights Watch report postulated that children who reside in violent countries are likely to be sexually harassed(Schnoll et al. 2015, p. 196-216). Across cultures, the role of power and gender in peer sexual harassment cannot be underestimated. Concerning gender, it has been established that girls and boys do not have equal chances of being sexually harassed in such countries. More often than not, more reports are based on female children being harassed, touched and looked in a sexually compromising manner. In actual terms, such countries resemble patriarchal societies in which power creates an imbalance on the side of the girl and the boy child. The day to day interaction of children is specifically determined by the kinds of people that live within their environment. It is in these environments that unwelcome and unwanted behaviors like sexual jokes, looks, pictures, messages, and illustrations are instinctively realized. Children are also sexually harassed by fellow peers in a setting which is dictated by cultural factors. The society dismisses them in a way that they feel alienated from their personal circumstances (Hlavka, 2014, p. 337-358). Additionally, Bendixen (2014, p. 1004-1021) has illustrated howthis setting, creates a hierarchy in which peers are victimized by fellow boys and girls who might have already identified themselves with particular cultural groups. Connell (2014, p. 70) urges the need for educators worldwide to challenge the perception that sexual harassment in children is a normative adolescent behavior. This belief makes it difficult to respond to children's matters as it serves to ignore aspects of criminology and behavioral effects associated with children's experiences of sexual harassment. In particular, children agencies should be aware that every time children are sexually harassed, and no proper action is being taken, the overall number of victims rises since the psychological and traumatic effects will reach those witnessing. Peer sexual harassment creates a hostile climate for children due to the experiences from the daily traumatic events that they go through. Until recently, there have been debates on whether sexual harassment emanates from all ethnic cultures as perpetrators do. Also as Mohler-Kuo et al. (2014. P. 304-311) hints in his study, there are many children who are being victimized, and their conditions have not been identified, but rather what is accepted is the proposition that children are assaulted by adults. As per the view of children care agencies, there is no hint that sexual harassment by peers among children would be identified effectively any time soon. In a society that experiences such acts more often, child sexual exploitation will develop to be an issue of child protection. An inquiry conducted by the children's commissioner in 2015 established that there are extreme cases of sexual harassment in children that are left unidentified as both the perpetrators and the victims go missing (Thomae & Pina, 2015, p. 189). According to the report, hundreds of children have suffered abuse due to failure to take the act as a serious crime that deserves punishment of the highest order. The same instance is revealed by Serious Case Reviews in which reports show that the death of children is facilitated by the failure of agencies, the family, and community members to share information to responsible authorities’ at the most appropriate time to enhance action (Skoog et al. 2016, p. 316-327). What needs to be done? Concerning the reluctance by the society and relevant authorities in combating sexual harassment in children, a wide range of measures ought to be adopted; Thomae & Pina (2015, p. 187-204) recommends thatevery individual, agency or organization should commit themselves in reporting cases of sexual harassment in children. Every community has its set laws that govern people. Those that seem to work against the norm should be eliminated. It would be better for the community to understand that children will be fully protected if such cases are reported to the relevant authorities for appropriate action. Failure to report them should be termed as a crime and an act against the law. The government and the community should integrate focus and set up counseling and social support centers. The public should be informed about sexual harassment by use of seminars and workshops to sensitize them on the importance of providing children with responsible care and protection. The children affected should use services offered at the social centers to enable their minds to recover from the traumatic experiences they might have undergone (Wissink et al. 2015, p. 20-35). Awareness programs should be designed both in the community and in schools or areas where children spend most of their time. These programs will provide adequate professional advice and facilitate the culture changing momentum for communities that seem to term acts of sexual harassment as normal. Parents should be responsible for their children's safety at home. They should be open and approachable. Such a character enables children to report matters of sexual harassment without obstruction as fear can deter them from facing their parents and guardians (Melki & Farah, 2014, p. 74-78). Reference List Bendixen, M., 2014. Evidence of systematic bias in sexual over-and underperception of naturally occurring events: A direct replication of Haselton (2003) in a more gender-equal culture. Evolutionary Psychology, 12(5), pp.1004-1021. Brown, A., 2004. Mythologies and panics: twentieth century constructions of child prostitution. Children & society, 18(5), pp.344-354. Clear, E.R., Coker, A.L., Cook-Craig, P.G., Bush, H.M., Garcia, L.S., Williams, C.M., Lewis, A.M. and Fisher, B.S., 2014. Sexual harassment victimization and perpetration among high school students. Violence against women, 20(10), pp.1203-1219. Connell, R.W., 2014. Gender and power: Society, the person and sexual politics. John Wiley & Sons. Routledge. USA. pp. 70. Henry, N. and Powell, A., 2015. Beyond the ‘sext’: Technology-facilitated sexual violence and harassment against adult women. Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology, 48(1), pp.104-118. Hlavka, H.R., 2014. Normalizing sexual violence: Young women account for harassment and abuse. Gender & Society, 28(3), pp.337-358. Livingstone, S. and Görzig, A., 2014. When adolescents receive sexual messages on the internet: Explaining experiences of risk and harm. Computers in Human Behavior, 33, pp.8-15. Melane, M. (2014). Same Old Story: Children and Young People’s Continued Normalisation of Men’s Violence against Women. Retrieved from http://www.academia.edu/24784028/Same-Old-Story-Children-and-Young-People-s-Continued-Normalisation-of-Men-s-Violence-Against-Women Melki, J. and Farah, M., 2014. Educating media professionals with a gender and critical media literacy perspective: how to battle gender discrimination and sexual harassment in the media workplace. 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Presumed Innocence: (Hetero) Sexual, Heterosexist and Homophobic Harassment among Primary School Girls and Boys. Childhood, 9(4), pp.415-434. Schnoll, J.S., Connolly, J., Josephson, W.J., Pepler, D. and Simkins-Strong, E., 2015. Same-and cross-gender sexual harassment victimization in middle school: A developmental-contextual perspective. Journal of School Violence, 14(2), pp.196-216. Skoog, T., Özdemir, S.B. and Stattin, H., 2016. Understanding the link between pubertal timing in girls and the development of depressive symptoms: The role of sexual harassment. Journal of youth and adolescence, 45(2), pp.316-327. Smahel, D. and Wright, M.F., 2014. The meaning of online problematic situations for children: results of qualitative cross-cultural investigation in nine European countries. Pp. 14. Thomae, M. and Pina, A., 2015. Sexist humor and social identity: The role of sexist humor in men’s in-group cohesion, sexual harassment, rape proclivity, and victim blame. Humor, 28(2), pp.187-204. Tuija, H., Emman, R. (2016). Crush: Mapping historical, material and effective force relations in young children’s hetero-sexual playground play, Discourse: Studies in Culture of Education, 35:5, 754-769, Dol:10.1080/01596306.2015.1075730 Retrieved from, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01596306.2015.1075730. Wissink, I.B., Van Vugt, E., Moonen, X., Stams, G.J.J. and Hendriks, J., 2015. Sexual abuse involving children with an intellectual disability (ID): A narrative review. Research in developmental disabilities, 36, pp.20-35. Read More