Exploring the Parenting Experiences of Working Class - Literature review Example

?Exploring the Parenting Experiences of Working and Non-Residential African-Caribbean Fathers in Britain. Literature Review Introduction A lot of social and policy changes have occurred the previous decades that spell the development and transition of roles of men and women in the family that essentially influences United Kingdom residents. Some of those noted include as follows: Rise of role of fathers as co- or main carers due to gender pay-gap slowly disappearing in income households (FI, 2011). This has removed the automatic designation of the father as breadwinner as 44% of women earn as much, or more than, their partners (National Equality Panel, 2010). In addition, trend on women outnumbering men not only in school graduation participation and results, but also in further education and training (FI, 2011) continue to rise. An increase in care-taking by fathers in two parent families also parallel fathers who are co-resident with other men’s children. Hunt and Roberts (2004) also saw that rates of involvement by non-resident fathers have increased (Hunt & Roberts, 2004) while some non-resident fathers remain very involved with their children. However, non-residence was main reason for the low levels of involvement by fathers. However, it has been noted that some fathers who want to spend more time caring for children encounter obstructions. Reynolds(2002) noted that equal opportunity for women is influenced by the role of men in family work as majority of women want their children’s fathers to increase their participation in childrearing. In addition, it was also pointed out that more than 50% of fathers want to slow down their careers due to family demands. 38% of working fathers prefer to have a pay cut in exchange for more time with their children (Careerbuilder, 2009). 74% of men also find that having a work schedule allowing them to spend time with their families is very important (Fatherhood Institute, 2011). Only 17% of men in the UK believe that it is the man’s role to earn the money while the woman stays at home (FI, 2011). Fathers with flexible work schedule are more committed to their organisation as they indicated improved psychological wellbeing and better levels of physical health, felt more in control of their work and less stressed over lower pay, as well as enjoy better work relationships (FI, 2011). In addition, Park et al (2007) reported that the men working full time were less satisfied than full-time working women with work life balance. Further information about roles of men, specifically black and Caribbean will be explored in this chapter. 1. media and societies Representations of African-Caribbean males as fathers and how it impacts their self -esteem, mental wellbeing and involvement with children. It is a popular and widely accepted notion that black fathers are absentee parents (Reynolds, 2009). This could have been influenced by many cases of single-parent mothers of African-Caribbean ethnicity of which about 40% appear as such in census (Owen, 2006). In addition, black fathers are seen as absent from parenting and unwilling to take responsibility for their children. This has created an understanding in the media that black men are “no good”, “worthless”, “hood for nothing” and “deadbeat” fathers (Song and Edwards, 1997). However, more recent media portrayal of black fathers have changed to express concerns about the consequences of absenteeism for social problems in black communities including educational underachievement and incidences of crime involvement from teenage gun and knife crimes (Harker, 2007). According to Reynolds (2009), “the underlying subtext is that non-resident black fathers absent themselves from parenting because they are unwilling (or unable) to take responsibility for their children,” (16). 2. The nuclear family model and trends of African-Caribbean fathers in the family Support for African Caribbean fathers have recently been launched by organisations aimed at meeting the challenges faced by fathers such as stereotyping, relationships, coping with breakdowns, and communication issues (Mcdougal, 2011). Professionals were taught through the Working with African Caribbean Fathers guide and Barnardo’s BabyFather Initiative in order to help stabilise families and children through consultation with the fathers. It has been suggested that African Caribbean fathers are a hard to reach group. Recent finding indicate that UK fathers of Black Caribbean heritage is quite complex due to many of their children were already with partners from outside the Black Caribbean communities. In contrast, UK fathers of Black African heritage had 81% of whose children are conceived within their own race (Platt, 2009). It has also been found that Black and Black British fathers were twice as likely as white British fathers or three times as likely as British Asian fathers to live away from their children (Hunt, 2009).  Cultural factors remain as the main reasons for non-resident fatherhood in Black and Mixed Heritage families as much as those found in white families (Reynolds, 2009). The UK demographics indicated that at the time of their baby’s birth, 4 out of 5 Black Caribbean mothers are in a close relationship with their babies’ fathers and five years later, majority of these mothers and fathers continue being involved in a stable manner although may be living separately (Kiernan & Mensah, 2010).   In the UK, many Black Caribbean fathers who live with their children, as well as those who live away were found to spend substantial time with their children (Hauari & Hollingworth, 2009). Black Caribbean fathers are more involved in their children’s education than fathers in other heritage groups including white families (Hunt, 2009).  Black Caribbean fathers are very concerned with meeting their children’s health and mental health needs as they aspire to improve their own health and health practices (Williams, 2009; Reynolds, 2009). Low income, unemployment, racism and poor housing negatively impacts on fathers regardless of race. This results to poor parenting style and levels of involvement with their children (Franklin, 2010).  A UK study found some Black Caribbean fathers have to struggle with stereotypes assuming them as “hypermasculine”, “feckless”, “errant” or “irresponsible” (Williams, 2009).  Black Caribbean fathers find their parenting responsibilities, joys and challenges the same as fathers in other races. They also acknowledge the need to help their children deal with stereotypical expectations and media representations, structural barriers due to racism, and negative behaviour of other fathers and men in their own communities.  Some African Caribbean fathers in the UK believe that their role extends beyond their immediate family and have responsibility for other families and community members (Williams & Hewison, 2009).  Early fatherhood is seen as quite common among men of African Caribbean group (Higginbottom et al, 2006). Cultural practices also indicate strong female family members support to mothers through pregnancy, birth and beyond of which strong female kin-support has been parallel with low father involvement (Hewlett, 1992). 3. The impact of non-resident fathers have on children There has been a traditional understanding about women as carers in the family. However, this has been changed as fathers’ role in the family and relationship with their children. Clarke and Roberts (2002) noted how the roles of caring, nurturing and emotionally present for their children were ascribed to mother and women. These roles have now changed as more fathers were seen to engage in these roles and responsibilities Reynolds (2009) suggested that “the gendered processes of care and changing definitions of fatherhood have influenced these non-resident black fathers’ understanding of their fathering role,” (14). The United Kingdom maintains a key policy interest on the various legal, social, and more rights role of fathers through a wide range of legislation, policy initiatives and agencies that help improve the fathers’ involvement in parenting. These initiatives also support the fathers in balancing employment and family commitments (Clarke and Roberts, 2001; O’Brien, 2005). The situation of black fathers living apart from their children have created a detrimental effect on their children’s emotional and psychological well-being and social development, and this has continued long into adulthood (Dunn, 2004). One of these includes educational underachievement (Gillborn, 2008). The study of Reynolds (2009) found that common expression of fatherhood for these black Caribbean include the notion for “being there” (18) for their children and being a positive male role model for them. Being there meant being available when their children need them in person or by phone call, spending time with their children, and provision of emotional support when needed (Reynolds, 2009). Fathers were also keen to include in “their responsibility to socialize their daughters into culturally appropriate and moral sexual codes of behaviour […] In contrast, their sons were encouraged to pursue outdoor physical activities, freedom to explore heterosexual relationships, and greater independence from the home and female kin,” (Reynolds, 2009, 18). An important role of the father for these black Caribbean is to teach their sons essential “survival” and “street” skills as necessary to navigate from childhood to young adulthood. These times with their sons were spent in male-oriented public spaces such as sporting or social clubs, pubs, barbershops, and other social environments where they could meet male friends and kin members (Reynolds, 2009). Black children whose parents may be likely to part, the lack of a resident Black parent or parent-symbol such as uncles or grandfathers who can assist them in dealing with challenges of racism may be considered a loss (Fatherhood Institute, 2011). 1. Racism, discrimination and social exclusion of African-Caribbean fathers. Reynolds (2009) reported that non-resident fathers were viewed as “bad fathers” (18) for failing to live up to their expected role patterned after the Western culture. Western culture prescribes a notion of family composed of the mother, father, and children living within a nuclear family unit and a fatherhood whose role is as primary economic provider. The black Caribbean men he interviewed claimed that the stereotypes need to be refuted but they lacked access to the forms of capital that would help them voice their collective protest as they challenge popular and policy representations. “Experience of racism, and institutionalised racism, are key to all of these (making them far more common in Black families) and are also relevant to other factors which further contribute to high levels of non-resident-fatherhood in Black families: early fatherhood, poor mental health, imprisonment, having been raised without own father present, and so on,” (Fatherhood Institute, 2011, P 4). The popular notion of Black men as irresponsible or uninvolved has been influenced by researchers’ highlighting the “absence” demographic. These studies have been conducted in samples from inner-city and socially excluded communities as well as those which failed to note age and social disadvantage, as well as failure to see the high levels of involvement by Black fathers living outside their family and away from their children full-time (Franklin, 2010). It should be noted that other male members of the family such as brothers, uncles, or grandfathers as substantially involved with the children (Reynolds, 2009). The contributions of non-resident fathers were overlooked. The anticipation of racial prejudice inhibited fathers from accessing services and opportunities to improve their situation (Williams, 2007). African Caribbean men, however, have been seen to be adaptable of roles their role and welcomed being the primary-carer. Stereotype have led to failure to find sufficient employment.  The stereotype impacts negatively on their mental health and encouraged disengagement from their children (Franklin, 2010), 2. Poverty, welfare and employment trends of African-Caribbean fathers. Among the lower-income and working-class fathers, there were issues of social and material deprivation attributed to their subordinate racial-ethnic identity and racism rather than social inequalities (Reynolds, 2009). Middle-class fathers on the other hand had greater parental authority and had greater negotiating power in deciding for their children’s schooling than the lower-income fathers which echoed Taylor and Johnson’s findings (1997). 6. Relationships between lone mothers and non-residential fathers. Absentee fatherhood is also tackled in the discussion about fatherhood in the UK. It has been recognised that non-resident fathers have increase and common across diverse social groups and considered another ordinary type of family construct in the UK (Haskey, 2005). Parenting policy has adapted to this situation and diversity of fathers’ involvement in child care although it has been focussed on white male as well as typically middle class (O’Brien, 2005). These are results of divorce or marital dissolution; therefore, the fathers may not be residing with their children (Cooksey and Craig, 1998). Fathers Direct (2005) noted that non-resident black fathers in whatever social class position were not recognised if there is any knowledge or communication with them at all. It is therefore conclusive that this situation has created a wide gap in support for black Caribbean fathers in their parenting role (Fathers Direct, 2005). Non-resident fathers have been identified as a common feature of black family life in diverse societies but it is also important that their fathering identities and practices recognise the appropriate historical and cultural aspects such as their Caribbean practices (Hammer, 2001). In contrast to black mothers who have been “celebrated as undertaking the dual gender roles of nurturer/carer and worker/financial providers, black fathers are portrayed as occupying a marginal status in family households,” (Reynolds, 2009, 15). About 60% of black families with dependent children have been pointed out as lone-mother households which meant that the fathers are not residing with their dependent children (Owen, 2006). It has also been noted that this form of family arrangement had been consistent from 1968 to 1998 (Goulbourne, 2001). This figure is even higher and more pronounced in families in the Caribbean region and that the pattern of lone female household has been present longer. It is important to consider the Caribbean practices because this also defines the culture and family structure of Caribbean descent in present day UK residents (Goulbourne, 2001). The “visiting relationships” has been noted by Smith (1953) since the 1950s as a prevailing cultural practise of fathers living away from their children especially in black, lower-working-class communities. In these cases, it becomes obvious that the black mother and their female counterpart remains the central figure of family life (Reynolds, 20089). Hamer (2001) found that more than 85% of black children spend an average of five years without a father in the home. Reasons include economic migration, imprisonment, and marital or espousal breakdown (Hamer, 2001). The circumstances of this are negative effects in father-child relationships, black children’s social well-being, and emotional development (Hamer, 2001). It has also been established that in the Caribbean and in the United States that majority of children living apart with their fathers came from lower-income and working-class families (Hamer, 2001) while the UK have yet to quantify and qualify similar patterns of social class variations in black fathers’ living arrangements. Reynolds (2002) found that parents aged 20-30 were more likely to be in relationships where the children’s father did not reside in the family household. Various stages were also identified from visiting father to common law relationship or marriage. It has also been established that black migrants since the slave trade brought with them values that highlight family consanguinity or kinship rooted in blood ties so that black men were socially expected to value and care mothers, siblings, and other blood kin over and above those established through conjugal ties and relationships (Reynolds, 2002). Conclusion: Black Caribbean fathers are as much as concerned about the well-being of their children but culture and lack of social power and influence have placed them in a less appreciated manner and compromising situation. There are certain ways undertaken by various cultures and races to show their affection, caring and sense of responsibility to their offspring and family and these cannot always mean to indicate understanding and propriety in a white majority culture. Instead of marginalising Black Caribbean fathers, policy should be geared towards enhancing the positive aspects of their cultural practices with regards to child rearing and family. Absenteeism remains a challenge in many cultures and this should not be stereotyped only among Black Caribbean fathers. Whilst this remains a national concern, there remains ways to bridge gaps where gaps may appear. Words = 2628 Reference: Careerbuilder.com. 2009. 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