History and Class Consciousness - Essay Example

ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHIES 1. Bibliographic information Book/extract from a book/Journal Text Book Book title History and class consciousness Author/editor Georg Lukács Date of publication 1923 Publisher & where published Merlin, London 1968 Chapter/section title; Volume, number, pages pp. 51-52 URL and date accessed ses.library.usyd.edu.au/bitstream/2123/664/2/adtNU20050104.11440202whole.pdf viewed 6/5/2007 Summary Main argument (thesis) of the reading as it relates to the essay topic Lukács takes on the very concept of Marxism and explores its impact on the development of thought on reason and consciousness. In particular Lukács develops his notion of “reification”: the transformation of the proletariat into a mystified fetish onto itself. Outline of ideas (content of reading as it relates to the essay topic) Lukács examines vulgar interpretations of Historical Materialism, and discusses the importance of this historical method. In this, he explores the role of violence in social relations beyond the crude measures of production. He also explores the relationship between violence and being, and how violence shapes consciousness and the narrative of that consciousness: history. Lukács entreats reader to see the proletariat as subjects, and examines the consequences of treating them as objects. Lukacs reiterates from Marx that class-consciousness must become objectively realized within the proletariat in order for both a revolt against capitalism and societal change. Hence proletarian consciousness is necessarily an outgrowth of the processes that govern the world-situation under capitalism. Somehow, in some way, a large portion of the working class must understand the are being oppressed and exploited, and that seizing the means of production is not only possible but the best way to achieve the aim of an open, equitable society. Lukacs’ in History and Class Consciousness is not as party-centered as he would be just a few years later in his work on Lenin. As in Marx, the agency for transmission of class-consciousness is perhaps purposely ambiguous beyond the class struggle and often the notion of a political party imparting said consciousness is absent; it is doubtful that Marx or the early Lukacs believed a party’s actions could impart proletarian consciousness onto an unwilling population – Marx himself wrote that none but the proletariat could liberate itself. . The objective situation of the working class gives it interests as against the capitalist class. These Lukács labeled the ‘imputed’ class consciousness of the working class, which may or may not be recognized and acted on by any workers. . The objective situation of the working class gives it interests as against the capitalist class. These Lukács labeled the ‘imputed’ class consciousness of the working class, which may or may not be recognized and acted on by any workers. Critical comments This e-journal is of great help and it is easy to understand. What is its main relevance to the essay (assignment 2)? This article provides the view of theorists on social classes consciousness. Quotes and paraphrases for possible use in the assignment (will not contribute to the word count, however, these section still compulsory) Page number p. 15 Quote/paraphrase Workers are those who are forced to sell (or in the case of the unemployed, to try to sell) their ability to work to an employer, by their lack of alternative effective means of making a living. At work, they have little, if any control over their own labor or that of others, and are constrained to act under the direction of their employers, supervisors, fore people, managers, in sum ‘the boss’ in one guise or another. The objective situation of the working class gives it interests as against the capitalist class. These Lukács labeled the ‘imputed’ class consciousness of the working class, which may or may not be recognized and acted on by any workers. 2. Bibliographic information Book/extract from a book/Journal Internet journal Book title An Examination of the Pathways Through Which Social Class Impacts Health Outcomes Author/editor Paul Henry Date of publication 2001 Publisher & where published Academy of Marketing Science Review [Online] 2001 Chapter/section title; Volume, number, pages URL and date accessed http://www.amsreview.org/articles/henry03-2001.pdf viewed 6/5/2007 Summary Main argument (thesis) of the reading as it relates to the essay topic The purpose of this paper is to delineate the class mechanisms driving persistent health inequality as a basis for informed Public Policy discussion. The conclusion is that since these class mechanisms constitute fundamental features of social organization, any serious attempt to tackle the inequality requires unprecedented commitment to social change. Outline of ideas (content of reading as it relates to the essay topic) The same gradational pattern of increasing health disadvantage with each progressively lower level of social class group has been observed across developed Western Nations. These distinctions hold across alternative indicators of social class such as income, education, occupation and wealth. The inequality holds across a broad range of health indicators such as mortality rates, low birth weight, obesity, heart disease, lung disease, incidence of smoking, asthma, cancer, diabetes, experience of sick days, lead content in blood, and also extend into areas such as accident rates, suicide, and exposure to violence and mental health. It is noteworthy that inequality in health status between social classes has persisted over time, despite advances in quality and access to health services, and institution of a range of public education and community reinvigoration programs. Complicating our limited understanding of the mechanisms underlying the relationship between class and health is a lack of agreement as to the nature of the social class concept itself. The conception of class varies by researcher ranging from a purely economic notion through to a psychosocial specification. Lifecycle, race, ethnicity, and gender effects also confound examination of class influences on health. Despite the relative affluence of Western World Nations it is well accepted that health outcomes vary with social class position. This systematic difference applies to both morbidity and mortality rates with lower social class groups experiencing a wide array of greater health problems and probability of earlier death. This disparity becomes evident at birth and continues throughout the life cycle. Even in the young adult phase when one is in their prime of life, lower-class individuals are relatively less healthy. Illustrative examples of health indicators include low birth weight, obesity, heart disease, lung disease, incidence of smoking, asthma, cancer, diabetes, experience of sick days, and also extend into areas such as accident rates, suicide, exposure to violence, and mental health. Critical comments This e-journal is of great help and it is easy to understand. What is its main relevance to the essay (assignment 2)? The article elaborates the impacts of social class on health outcomes of Australians. Quotes and paraphrases for possible use in the assignment (will not contribute to the word count, however, these section still compulsory) Page number p. 10 Quote/paraphrase ‘In Australia where heavy anti-smoking campaigns have run for many years -- including large-size print on the packet and at point of sale "smoking can kill you", "smoking causes lung cancer" -- this lower-class skew persists. The warning signs presented across class groups appear to be just too clear and pervasive for this information to have not been broadly diffused. This suggests that equal knowledge is not enough to eliminate class inequalities.’ 3. Bibliographic information Book/extract from a book/Journal Internet journal Book title Social Class Author/editor Kath Maguire Date of publication 2002 Publisher & where published Sociologies of Health & Illness E-Learning Databank Chapter/section title; Volume, number, pages From all parts of the article. URL and date accessed www.goodss.org/index.php?social-class/ viewed 6/5/2007 Summary Main argument (thesis) of the reading as it relates to the essay topic Understanding the concept of social class, how it is modeled and some of the problems attached. Outline of ideas (content of reading as it relates to the essay topic) Until the 1980s the concept of social class, linking economic role, social identity and political affiliation, was almost unanimously seen as central to sociological study, particularly in the UK. The class model of society is two-fold, working on both the level of social structure and of the individual. On a structural level, the organisation of society into economic classes leads to it being experienced from separate compartments, with differing interests. When their interests clash, classes may come into conflict. On an individual level, the experience of a particular position in the class structure leads the individual to understand themselves as, in part, defined by that position and to ally themselves with those who share their position and have similar interests. This model often uses the widely understood categories of Working, Middle and Upper Class. It has been argued that the level of skill at work may not be the best way of measuring access to social resources. The Registrar General’s scale contained absurdities like equating small tenant farmers and major land owners. Goldblatt has offered alternative measures including: home ownership, educational status and access to a car and has shown that all of these can be correlated to inequalities in mortality rates. During the last twenty-five years a number of writers, including Offe and Beck have questioned whether class still has relevance in a modern, pluralist welfare state. They have argued that class is not so important in defining who we are, how we behave or where our loyalties lie. Social class is an ‘umbrella’ category. Being of a different class may involve differences in culture, economic circumstances, educational status, dietary preferences, housing conditions, property ownership and power. There will always be ‘fuzzy edges’ with people who could be counted in more than one category and people who move between classes over time. While it is a useful statistical and heuristic tool it should be applied with caution and not seen as a simple explanatory factor in itself. Critical comments This e-journal is of great help and it is easy to understand. What is its main relevance to the essay (assignment 2)? The article provides a definition of social class. Quotes and paraphrases for possible use in the assignment (will not contribute to the word count, however, these section still compulsory) Page number p. 15 Quote/paraphrase Social class is an ‘umbrella’ category. Being of a different class may involve differences in culture, economic circumstances, educational status, dietary preferences, housing conditions, property ownership and power. There will always be ‘fuzzy edges’ with people who could be counted in more than one category and people who move between classes over time. While it is a useful statistical and heuristic tool it should be applied with caution and not seen as a simple explanatory factor in itself. 4. Bibliographic information Book/extract from a book/Journal Book Book title The poverty of philosophy Author/editor Karl Marx Date of publication 1847 Publisher & where published Marx/Engels Internet Archive (marxists.org) 1999, Paris and Brussels Chapter/section title; Volume, number, pages chapter 2, part 5 URL and date accessed http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1847/ viewed 6/5/2007 Summary Main argument (thesis) of the reading as it relates to the essay topic Marx’s distinction between classes in themselves and classes for themselves. The difference was a question of organization and consciousness. Outline of ideas (content of reading as it relates to the essay topic) Conservatives try to pretend that the constrained choices in capitalist markets, including labour markets, are an index of freedom. In government, the media and academia they portray workers, including those with the most tenuous employment on contracts, as entrepreneurs and deny the relevance of class as a concept. Quite apart from the constraints on people’s behaviour in markets, notably the money and other resources at their disposal, the argument that markets secure liberty is wrong for another more profound reason. Workplaces are dictatorships where workers have to do pretty much what they are told. The differences between employment under the enlightened despotisms of ‘nice bosses’ and the anguish that ‘nasty bosses’ generate don’t affect the fundamental experience of working class life: that others not workers themselves control the labour process and the products that result from it. There may be debates about trends in real income and patterns in the distribution of income and wealth. But issues of class relations and exploitation, in the Marxist sense, are quite clear, despite the limitations of and biases in the major sources of empirical data, notably the Australian Bureau of Statistics. Particularly for those with any doubts about the benefits and desirability of the established order, the existence of classes in themselves is hardly an issue. Economic conditions had first transformed the mass of the people of the country into worker. The combination of capital has created for this mass a common situation, common interests. This mass is thus already a class as against capital, but not yet for itself. In the struggle, of which we have noted only a few phases, this mass becomes united, and constitutes itself as a class for itself. The interests it defends become class interests. But the struggle of class against class is a political struggle. Critical comments This book is one of the famous works of Karl Marx. It will be always a gem in the literature field. What is its main relevance to the essay (assignment 2)? This book was of great help in determining that what the theorists say about class. Quotes and paraphrases for possible use in the assignment (will not contribute to the word count, however, these section still compulsory) Page number p. 15 Quote/paraphrase Economic conditions had first transformed the mass of the people of the country into worker. The combination of capital has created for this mass a common situation, common interests. This mass is thus already a class as against capital, but not yet for itself. In the struggle, of which we have noted only a few phases, this mass becomes united, and constitutes itself as a class for itself. The interests it defends become class interests. But the struggle of class against class is a political struggle. 5. Bibliographic information Book/extract from a book/Journal Book Book title Class and struggle in Australia Author/editor Rick Kuhn, Sam Pietsch and Diane Fieldes Date of publication 2005 Publisher & where published Pearson, Frenchs Forest Chapter/section title; Volume, number, pages Some Parts from the whole book URL and date accessed http://www.amsreview.org/articles/henry03-2001.pdf viewed 6/5/2007 Summary Main argument (thesis) of the reading as it relates to the essay topic Diane Fieldes sketches the structure and recent struggles of the working class and its unions. Tom Bramble considers the ways in which the established working class leadership, in the unions and Labor Party, is both shaped and compromised by its position between capital and labour. Outline of ideas (content of reading as it relates to the essay topic) The promotion of conservative ideologies through and in businesses, government, education, the media and churches reinforces commodity fetishism. Generally, ‘the ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas’. This hegemony of ideas that serve capitalists’ interests is not, however, total. They pervade common sense understandings of the way society works. But direct and indirect experiences of struggle also influence the way we think. Common sense can be contradictory. People are often hostile, as the media and government encourage them to be, when a group of workers takes strike action. Yet, if we know individuals who are on strike we are much more likely to be sympathetic to their industrial action. The Hawke, Keating and especially the Howard governments appealed to and reinforced racist hostility against refugees, by defaming them and locking them up in concentration camps. Nevertheless many of those who supported the policy of ‘mandatory detention’ are fine about workmates, friends and acquaintances of another race. Common sense, like its close relation public opinion, can shift rapidly in response to changed circumstances. Its chapters illustrate in greater detail the ways that class shapes the world, influences political action and shapes consciousness. The first four examine the fundamental classes in Australian society and the most important institutions associated with them. Sam Pietsch profiles the ruling class, while Rick Kuhn deals with the structure and operation of the state. Diane Fieldes sketches the structure and recent struggles of the working class and its unions. Tom Bramble considers the ways in which the established working class leadership, in the unions and Labor Party, is both shaped and compromised by its position between capital and labour. Graham Hastings looks at the role of the Australian education system and how students, a politically volatile group, fit into the class structure. Critical comments This book challenges many dominant, common sense ideas. What is its main relevance to the essay (assignment 2)? The indicators of class and how are these experienced by people in each of the classes present in Australia society. Quotes and paraphrases for possible use in the assignment (will not contribute to the word count, however, these section still compulsory) Page number p. 10 Quote/paraphrase ‘The nature of bourgeois class power is also important here. Capitalists who control production do not necessarily, or often, play a direct role in the management of the capitalist state. Most of the time, the organization and logic of capitalist production and the resources of those who control it ensure that states and those in charge of them—senior politicians and public servants—act in the interests capital accumulation.’ In Australia, a social class impacts their life chances Social class is an ‘umbrella’ category. Being of a different class may involve differences in culture, economic circumstances, educational status, dietary preferences, housing conditions, property ownership and power. There will always be ‘fuzzy edges’ with people who could be counted in more than one category and people who move between classes over time. While it is a useful statistical and heuristic tool it should be applied with caution and not seen as a simple explanatory factor in itself. In the words of Karl Marx social classes can be elaborated as: Economic conditions had first transformed the mass of the people of the country into worker. The combination of capital has created for this mass a common situation, common interests. This mass is thus already a class as against capital, but not yet for itself. In the struggle, of which we have noted only a few phases, this mass becomes united, and constitutes itself as a class for itself. The interests it defends become class interests. But the struggle of class against class is political struggle. Social mobility describes the movement or opportunities for movement between different social groups and the advantages and disadvantages that go with this e.g. income. Opportunities for social mobility are one dimension of an individual’s life chances. Life chances refer to the opportunities open to individuals to better the quality of life of themselves and their families. Other dimensions include the absence of poverty and social inclusion. A life chances approach focuses attention on the life cycle and not just creating a level playing field at birth as equality of opportunity might do. Both life chances and social mobility can be considered intra and inter generational. A decline in the association between class origins and educational attainment appears to lie behind the rise in social fluidity in Australia in recent decades. Educational attainment appears to be especially important for long range upward mobility e.g. from the working class to the salariat. It explains much less well the intergenerational immobility (lack of downward mobility) within the salariat. But there is some evidence that education has played a (modestly) diminishing role in determining class destinations in recent decades e.g. as softer skills such as personal style and team working ability have become more important to employers. Cultural capital consists of familiarity with the dominant culture in a society and especially the ability to understand and use ‘educated’ Language Families play a key role in disseminating cultural capital through books in the home; the consumption of a high culture such as the theatre and concerts; and intra-family discussion of cultural matters Cultural capital may be important for children’s cognitive and motivational development. These are reflected in turn in, for example, children’s reading and TV viewing habits. Reading quality literature and watching of quality TV are associated with higher attainment in GCSEs. Cultural capital may also be important in later life. Unfamiliarity with particular types of music or cuisine or sport or art may serve as a barrier to social mobility and life chances. Schools and universities as well as the family may play a role in passing on cultural capital. Workers are those who are forced to sell (or in the case of the unemployed, to try to sell) their ability to work to an employer, by their lack of alternative effective means of making a living. At work, they have little, if any control over their own labor or that of others, and are constrained to act under the direction of their employers, supervisors, fore people, managers, in sum ‘the boss’ in one guise or another. The objective situation of the working class gives it interests as against the capitalist class. These Lukács labeled the ‘imputed’ class consciousness of the working class, which may or may not be recognized and acted on by any workers. To maintain or increase rates of profit, bosses try to roll back the wages and conditions and workplace influence of workers. If they don’t keep their costs down, compared with those of their competitors, they will go under. Employers’ capacity to hold down working class living standards is limited by the level of competition amongst themselves for particular kinds of labor and the concerted actions of workers and, ultimately, the costs of reproducing labor power. In order to defend, let alone improve their conditions of life, workers are compelled to resist. The nature of bourgeois class power is also important here. Capitalists who control production do not necessarily, or often, play a direct role in the management of the capitalist state. Most of the time, the organization and logic of capitalist production and the resources of those who control it ensure that states and those in charge of them—senior politicians and public servants—act in the interests capital accumulation. To the extent that the bourgeoisie maintains a level of ideological and political coherence exists, the state (governments and the research, policy and public relations areas of public services) and specialist institutions (think tanks, elements in the media and academia) play as much of a role as business organizations, like the Business Council of Australia, the Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, and Australian Industry. Bourgeois self-consciousness and self-organization is not generally a prerequisite for public policies that favor capital accumulation and social stability. At times such struggles are out in the open. Lockouts, reorganising work, reducing pay and conditions, attacking employees’ ability or right to organise, raising working hours, cutting labour forces are measures bosses use. Workers may pursue their interests by striking, banning certain kinds of work, occupying their workplaces or engaging in political protests. But class struggle is usually at a much lower level. Supervisors may tighten up existing rules or work practices concerning the length of a lunch break or the pace of work. Individual workers may slack off, take sickies, turn up for work drunk or stoned, add a few minutes to breaks, or just reduce the authority of supervisors by taking the piss. Because individual workers lack power compared to individual bosses, to be effective their struggle usually has to be collective. If one employee dawdles, stops working or protests, she or he can easily be replaced or ignored. Group of workers that strike, demonstrate, go slow or occupy their workplaces exert far more pressure on their bosses. Organized class struggles, in response to the working class’s objective situation, however, give rise to collective consciousness and it becomes a class for itself. Like class struggle, class consciousness is not an on/off switch, its level varies. The ebb and flow of class conflict and the impact of specific events give rise to fluctuations in class consciousness. Class consciousness is uneven, not only amongst people whose classes are different, not only amongst those in the same class, but even in the heads of individuals quite contradictory ideas can coexist. The high concentration of wealth and income in Australia is a consequence of a class structure in which the capitalist class is a small minority with economic and social power. Thus only five percent of Australian families in 1998 owned 76 per cent of all shares and similar investments. People’s educations, experience with law enforcement agencies and health also depend to a large degree on class. In the case of health, this is not simply a consequence of higher incomes allowing better diets, exercise and access to health care. There is a direct correlation between the levels of control we have at work, through stress levels to our overall health. Material circumstances in early childhood affect both physical and mental development The greater a family’s financial capital, the greater its capacity to invest in the human capital of children (in the broadest sense of the term) There is evidence that access to modest amounts of financial capital at an early age can have significant impacts on outcomes in later life e.g. the likelihood of setting up one’s own business. This is the rationale for baby bonds Anti-competitive practices and unnecessary barriers to some jobs (such as professional qualifications or cost of training) may act as a potential barrier to social mobility. Efficiently functioning labor markets are important for maintaining high levels of employment (and thus for providing a route out of poverty); efficiently functioning housing markets are important for geographical mobility (a potential precursor to social mobility) and so on. Social justice (as well as economic efficiency) requires the absence of unfair, excessive or unnecessary barriers (such as social class or persistent poverty) to individuals’ improving the quality of life of themselves and their families. The concept of life chances is not, however, a simple one but multi-dimensional: It is affected by social (im)mobility; poverty; and social exclusion; and It can be interpreted in both absolute and relative terms. Different weightings of social (im)mobility; poverty and social exclusion will have different implications for policy as will taking either an absolute or relative approach. Read More