Schematic corruption on the other hand occurs where the entire organisation adopts corrupt practices ostensibly to benefit the organisation. On its part, categorical corruption occurs in specific departments in the organisations for purposes of addressing specific situations (Aguilera & Vadera 2008). From the foregoing, it is evident that some corporations accept specific types of corruption by justifying the same – albeit not publicly – with the argument that it is important for business continuity.
According to Carr and Outhwaite (2009), some organisations engage in corrupt practices to obtain illegal licenses, take up illegitimate contracts, benefit from tax concessions, rig bids, or fix prices. All such practices benefit the ‘corrupt’ firms, but are usually unfair to other stakeholders. Indeed, Dillon et al. (2006) are right in arguing that CSR practitioners are working on a shaky foundation if they do not treat corruption as a prerequisite. Experts on CSR acknowledge that corruption “distorts market competition, breeds cynicism among citizens, undermines the rule of law, damages government legitimacy, and corrodes the integrity of the private sector” (Rao 2006, p. 8). Yet, like in most other activities, it takes two to tangle in corruption.
As such, for corruption to occur in the public service, a private sector player who wishes to hasten the procedure of getting something from the public sector is involved. Even where the public sector is not involved, partnership in corruption occurs in the private sector like was the case during the 2008/2009 global financial crisis. One therefore wonders, do some of the corporations involved in corruption forget about their responsibility to the society as indicated in CSR in instances where they want to hasten or benefit unfairly?
Does corruption even correspond with CSR? The question of corruption and CSR is important because it touches on morals and legal ethics. While corruption is publicly perceived as morally wrong in most societies regardless of the cultural differentials as indicated by Dion (2010), it is clear that it is still globally prevalent. Even some developed countries where one would expect to find lesser forms of corruption have what one would refer to as sophisticated forms of corruption. Unlike the obvious kind of corruption characterised by bribing, the 2008/2009 financial crisis referred to in the introductory part of this reflection paper is an indication that the vice can involve several parties, all whose theme is underscored by a selfish need to benefit unfairly.
Ethically, and in line with the CSR concept, organisations are supposed to illustrate ethical leadership by issuing codes of conduct that would ideally regulate employee behaviours towards an anti-corruption theme (Mullerat 2007). While this looks good on paper, it is clear that only firms that genuinely have an anti-corruption stance can successfully implement such codes of conduct. Firms whose management still perceive corruption as a means of gaining an unfair competitive advantage would still participate in the same corrupt activities for as long as their practices are hidden from the authorities and from public knowledge.
Commenting on the same issue, Mullerat (2007) observes that the effectiveness of codes that are contained in CSR to fight corrupt practices depends on the perceived anti- or pro-corruption stance that leaders who advocate for them take. In some cases, the corrupt activities are ‘packaged’ in acceptable form, as was the case with the risk-taking that was apparently approved by some shareholders during the build-up to the 2008/2009 financial crisis. So far, this reflection essay has established that CSR and the anti-corruption provisions therein may not be powerful enough tools in enhancing ethical decision-making by employees.
Additionally, it would appear that the management appears to have a pivotal role in determining whether employees abide by the ethical legality of situations, and consider the ethical morality of the same.
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