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Gender Inequality in Russia - Essay Example

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This essay "Gender Inequality in Russia" discusses various different shapes based on particular socio-historical contexts, it always had to do with whether people should deem the desire of a woman to self-actualize beyond family as natural, whether women and men should equally take part in public life…
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Gender Inequality in Russia
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The of women and men inequality or equality is a matter looking back on a lengthy history. Although this subject has assumed various different shapes based on particular socio-historical contexts, it always had to do with whether people should deem the desire of a woman to self-actualize beyond family as natural, whether women and men should equally take part in public life, and whether a woman’s abilities equals those of men. This paper delves into the issue of gender inequality in Russia. Introduction Giddens defines gender inequality as the differences in the status, prestige, and power that men and women have in societies, collectivities and groups. Most Russians, while pleading for `the equality of men and women,' have been shown to uphold the belief that certain fields of responsibility should be assigned to women and men and they frequently have the tendency of looking at gender equality as conservation of the role boundaries that exist. It is generally agreed that Russian women are not equal to men and that they undergo oppression. Vovk indicates that in national home interviews carried out in the year 2005 (February 25 to 27) in a hundred residencies in forty-four regions, 24 percent of respondents held the opinion that the world treats women and men in the same way. On the other hand, 61 percent of respondents believed that Russian women’s life is harder compared to men, while 8 percent believed that women live an easier life. Generally, the same is true for promotion and self-actualization. Of the year 2005 respondents 51 percent concur that in the present day, men have more opportunities for the realization of their potential, while in national home interviews carried out in the year 2004 (February 28-29), 58 percent of the respondents concur that the `double standard' that Russian institutions and companies practice provides men with better career opportunities. According to 30 percent and 37 percent, respectively, though, Russian women have equal chances with men for promotion and self-actualization. Gender inequality in Russia manifests itself in different spheres, the first one being access to education. While the traditionally ‘male’ professions have been free/no-fee, the Russian government-introduced for-fee education has predominantly affected women or the ‘female’ professions making it hard for them to learn. This implies that the expenditure of budget money that the federal government allocates for education has progressively become gender asymmetric, and not in women’s favour. As far as higher education is concerned, the mounting discrimination policy on the part of educational institutions themselves is a crucial factor that makes it difficult for women to access education. In the 1960s, the gender factor only decreased the female applicants’ chances of enrolment in higher educational establishments by 2.4 percent. In the 1980s, it decreased their chances by 6.2 percent while by 1990s, it had reduced them by 12 percent (Mezentseva, 1). Another vital area in which women in Russia are discriminated against has to do with wage levels/material gains from education. Mezentseva notes that although women trail behind men concerning wage levels in all countries, the rise educational levels is narrowing this gap in virtually all countries. However, to date, this trend is the reverse in Russia. A study from the RLMS5 in 1998 revealed that the average wage of a woman varies from 53-66 percent of that of a man for the seven recognized educational levels (from ‘no secondary education’ to ‘higher education’). On the average, females with postgraduate education receive lower wages compared to men with secondary education. Women with university education only earn more compared to men with incomplete university education (Roshchin, 11). The least material return from education was observed in professional groups where women are in the majority, while the biggest the biggest material gain from education was observed in professional groups where men prevailed (Mezentseva, 1). Vasilev, Roschin and Zubarevich further explain that an analysis of gender gap determinants in wages as RLMS data for 2001 shows that in professional communities with excess labour force for women, such as professions that require specialised university and secondary education, gender gaps in wages are largest. Here, females receive less pay than males by 47 percent and 45 percent on the average. Wages of males and females approximate prior to retirement, while the largest gap is eminent in the age group of 41-45. In Russia, maternal mortality level of is one of the greatest worldwide, with studies indicating that there are 32 per 100 000 live births. Evaluations also indicate that of all maternal mortality cases 84 percent could have been averted. There has been a degradation in pregnant women’s health with cardiovascular disease increasing 1.8 times, anaemia cases more than six fold, and kidney diseases two fold. Although there has been a steady decline in the number of abortions, abortion is still the most frequently used birth control method. In the year 2003, there were roughly 1.8 million abortions, with the number being 1.3 times greater than the number of births. This indicator in Russia ranks second in the world after the Romanian indicator. Actually, in today’s Russia, one’s own health exploitation has become the commonest behaviour pattern (Mezentseva, 3-4). The main factors that hamper women’s access to high-quality medical care in Russia are households’ limited financial capabilities as well as degrading free health care service. Experts’ opinion indicates that governmental programs cover only twenty percent of the health care needs of women. Individuals whose incomes are lower than the minimum survival level expend on drugs and medical care three times larger portion of their earnings than those whose incomes are high. Unfortunately, among those whose incomes are lower than the minimum survival level, there women are 1.2 times more than compared to men and a closer observation of elder age groups reveals that the number is even four times more. Another factor that reduces the access of health care services to women, especially those living in rural districts and small towns, is long distance to health care facilities. These women hardly ever attend health care institutions, which increases death rate among them. A greater percentage of women also lack money after retiring compared to men. These women cannot afford the costly medicines. The low pay for women also places them at a disadvantage and they are unable to cater for their children’s most basic needs such as education. This is especially hard for young single women (Mezentseva, 4). Violence against women in Russia is prevalent in shocking levels. A recent report by Human Rights Watch indicates that women experience sexual assault with annual rate of approximately eleven thousand reported cases of attempted rape or rape. Estimates indicate that most cases go unreported (only 5 to 10 percent of victims report to police). Additionally, about 80 percent of violent crime takes place in Russian homes (Schalkwyk & Woroniuk, 1&2). According to Mezentseva, ninety-three percent of victims of family violence cases are women. A survey conducted in the year 1996 revealed that 25 percent of married women subjected themselves to physical violence, while about 30 percent of divorced women were victims of violence in their previous marriages. In the rural regions, the family violence has spread in a greater degree. Regrettably, there are no government statistics on women who are killed or assaulted by their partners. There is failure on the part of the criminal justice system, the government, and the police in providing females with Russian law protection. Biases against complainants, barriers to lodging grievances, and reluctance to probe and prosecute typify law enforcement agencies’ approach (Schalkwyk & Woroniuk, 2). Women in Russia also face the problem of sexual harassment at work. The absolute majority of women believe that declining sexual harassment at work can make a woman lose her job. It may also bring about the impossibility of making a professional career, or they can lose their salaries Vasilev, Roschin & Zubarevich, 29). Gorshkova and Shurygina also indicate that in another study carried out in seven regions of Russia between 2000 and 2002, it was discovered that 3 percent of women face beatings from their husbands once a month or more often, with 41 percent being beaten at least once. Gender inequality in Russia also manifests itself in employment. The State Committee on Statistics of the Russian Federation in 1990s indicated that between 1992 and 1998, the there was a decline in the number of the employed in Russia from 71.1 to 57.9 million. Although men were later affected, the decline involved women workers at first. While the shrinkage took place at the expense of older men, for women, it was at the expense of the younger in the age brackets of 25-29 and 30-34 (Vasilev, Roschin & Zubarevich, 8). Gender segregation appears in an unbalanced distribution of women and men within a position hierarchy, within a sector of economy, and within a profession/an occupation (Vasilev, Roschin & Zubarevich, 12). Gender gap also manifests itself in earnings, with women being far behind men in earnings. Most women work in the national economy’s public sector. In social services, where they constitute for roughly 65-80 percent of personnel engaged, their wages are below 60 percent of the minimum survival level and represent roughly 60-70 percent of the national average, which has led to the development of the class of the ‘working poor’. Recently, the exclusion of women from the sectors that were deemed as ‘feminine’, and which in the economic reforms years become high-paid, has increased. Examples of these sectors include insurance and banking sectors, where from 1990-2001, the share of women decrease from 90-70% and the wages rose from 95-287 percent of the average countrywide wages rate during this time. This is a clear illustration of the gender imbalance of labour mobility, and for men and women, it leads to disparate economic results. Male labour force begins flowing flow into an occupation immediately it becomes profitable, and vice versa (Mezentseva, 2). According to Roshchin, another important point is that majority of employers believe the load of family duties decreases a woman’s value as labour force. Consequently, they prefer employing men who they believe are ready for overtime and harder work. Regardless of women having equal professional qualifications and skills with men, while only 12 percent of the questioned employers would prefer firing a man, 23 percent would prefer firing a woman. Another study of job vacancy advertisements indicates that up to 30 percent of advertisements specify the desired gender of the applicants. This is the case even for professions in which distinguishing between the two sexes is not a requirement. Moreover, women themselves have their own stereotype complexes relating the way their potential employers may perceive them, resulting in ‘self-discrimination’. They refrain from applying for high-paid positions/professions. The RLMS data reveals that 54 percent of women believe that they do not possess adequate qualities looked for in the present economic situation. In Russia, the number of women registered unemployed is 1.5 times more than that of men. In the 1990s, women represented 70-72 percent of persons staying without work for a year or more, and in the year 2003, women’s average duration of unemployment got to 8,6 months. Owing to its long-term nature, the unemployment of women is one of mechanisms of labour market withdrawal by women. Compared to men, women are more likely to register as jobless, a fact that is related to the lower labour market’s competitive position. This factor as well as others mirrors Russian employers’ discrimination practices. The passive approach to job search by women explains the higher possibility of them being jobless. Additionally, for some women, the status of registered unemployed is an opportune way of leaving the labour market and being part of the economically passive populace. Therefore, level joblessness is not concerned with considerable gender differences. However, women experience longer period of job search – the percentage of the unemployment of women for a long time is higher than among men (Roshchin, 9). Conclusion To date, gender inequality is still prevalent in Russia, with women being more disadvantaged than men are. As Vovk indicates, people who support this inequality point to the `natural pre-ordination' of men and women as well as the traditional patriarchal role structure. Others claim that this division is based on the weakness and strength of females and males respectively. Additionally, an analysis of the status of two genders indicate that gender disparity is based on disparate positions of males and females in economy (uneven access to economic resources, different returns on human capital) and traditional, inculcated and succeeding community division of gender roles (heavier work load at home for females). Apparently, comprehensive measures that could provide long-term effect on society as well as public institutions may be used to upturn such situations. Seeing that economic practices or cultural traditions cannot change at once, activities aimed at attaining females’ rights expansion and gender equality and opportunities must have long-term prospects. One way of attaining gender equality is by ensuring a high representation of women in state power and political institutions. Other ways evident in this paper include reducing the effect of negative factors on life span and health, creating effective methods of violence prevention against females, eradicating discrimination in employment and labour, reducing females’ high share among the poor, among others. It is however important to note that the attainment of gender equality for women should not be at the expense of that of men. Works Cited Giddens, Anthony. Sociology. Cambridge: Polity. 2006 Gorshkova I. D. and Shurygina, I. I. Violence Over Wives in Modern Russian Families. M.: MAX Press, 2003. Web. Mezentseva, Elena Gender Inequality in Today Russia: Who Bear The Social Costs of Reforms? 2007. Web. Roshchin S.Y. Gender Equality and Extension of Women Rights in Russia Within Millennium Development Goals. 2003. Web. Schalkwyk, J. and Woroniuk, B. January 1999. Russia: Gender Equality Issues and Resources in Brief. 1999. Web. Vasilev, Stephan, Roschin, S.Y.U. and Zubarevich, N.V. Gender Equality and Extension of Women rights in Russia in the context of UN the Millennium Development Goals. 2005. Web. Vovk, E. “Gender Inequality and Women's Role in Contemporary Russia.” The Journal of Sociological Observations and Reporting. Issue: 3, 2006. Web. Read More
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