The Ecology of English in Saudi Arabia: Its Status and Roles in Relation to Other Native Languages - Report Example

The Ecology of English in Saudi Arabia Its status and roles in relation to other native languages Name: Course Unit: Name of Supervisor: Date: Abstract Language ecology is the actuality and the study of language in situ, factoring in all the major issues that interlock language and society. Looked at with a wide perspective, it can be said to be the sociology of linguistics, more specifically; it’s a care for the diversity of language with the defence of smaller more endangered varieties. This paper will seek to analyse the ten factors identified by Haugen (1972) that epitomise the essence of this topic. These factors will cover the classification of English in relation to other languages, learners and users in the context of English as a foreign language in Saudi Arabia, the domains of use, concurrent languages used by speakers, the internal varieties that have emerged within Saudi society, nature of written traditions and degree of standardization of language in Saudi Arabia, institutional support, attitudes of Saudi users towards English and its status in a typology. The Ecology of English in Saudi Arabia Classification of English as it Relates to Other Languages English is classified as an Indo-European language which has evolved due to the infusion of all language types from the Romantic, i.e. those with a Latin root e.g. French, German and Italian as well as the Semitic languages of Hebrew and Arabic. The original inhabitants of the British Isles were Picts who were invaded by the Normans, and later, the Vikings who brought with them Germanic language. Thus the inception of English was these two invasions. It has then been circulated globally by the movement of the military, merchants and pioneers. The process began in the British Isles, and then moved on to colonies such as North America. Opinions diverge as to whether it can be classified as one language or a group of languages McArthur (2002). The result of any evaluation would stem from the approach to the evidence and the aim of the research; although there are grave weaknesses in this area Bruthiaux (2003). In Saudi Arabia, the foundation of learning is religion. Islamic education to be precise predominates every level of the school curriculum. A failure to pass any one of the Islamic studies subjects is an automatic repeat of the year. A third of classroom time is spent on these subjects in primary school, which drops to twenty four percent in middle and secondary school Prokop (2005). This stress on Islam permeates not only this area of study but all academic subjects as well. Both Science and Humanities are imparted in the context of Islamic thinking and beliefs. There is ongoing research in Saudi Arabia that is bent on revamping the ‘authorised curriculum’ and school texts as a result of aggressive allegations that the current one encourages unfriendliness towards non- Muslims Prokop (2003); Stalinsky (2003). According to Fishman et.al (1977), English is not ideologically encumbered, a claim disputed by Pennycook (1994) who asserts that the spread of English has neither been ordinary, unbiased or advantageous because every language carries with it, the weight of a civilisation; Thus inferring that use of that language implies support for a given culture. Global English can be viewed as a product (the cipher, the structures utilised in a geographically and ethnically varied community of users), as a process (the ways in which language use is grown, by agents triggering the basic framework, beliefs and uses) or as a project (the goal to make English the global language of communication). About a third of the world speaks some form of English though it still may be a stretch to term it the global ‘lingua franca’. Learners and Users of English in Saudi Arabian Culture Arabic is the official language in Saudi Arabia, with English spoken predominantly in business circles and is taught in schools as a compulsory second language. The non-Saudi population which is largely Asian speak Urdu, Farsi and Turkish, with a smattering of other foreign languages incidentally spoken. There are regional variations in Arabic dialect especially amongst rural vs. urban populations but the basic language has remained unchanged for centuries. Every educational decision made in Saudi Arabia is based upon religion. This is outlined in the Saudi constitution that spells out the country’s beliefs; ‘The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is a sovereign Arab Islamic state with Islam as its religion; God’s Book and the Sunnah [ways and practices] of His Prophet, peace be upon him, are its constitution, Arabic is its language’ (International Constitutional Law Document, 2005). In the education sector, Saudi Arabia’s Sixth Development Plan (1995-2000) asserts it as one of its main concerns the preservation of Islamic values through the observance, dissemination and confirmation of Allah’s Sharia’h Ministry of Planning (1995). Indicating that Arabic is the supreme language. One of the chief reasons to learn English then becomes to spread Islam to non-Arabic speakers. The proportion of investment that has been sunk into the teaching of the English language in the Gulf States does not correspond with results achieved according to most professionals. The reasons for this are identified as three-course; one is the lack of practical application of theoretical portions of the language teaching. Two is the there is an unacknowledged speculation that the impetus of the students is a desire to integrate while in actuality, it is mostly instrumental. Three, is the complexity of language requirement – students are required to have English for the achievement of narrow ends, but they are also expected to be able to converse with a hodge podge of people of varied ability, who have English as a first, second or foreign language. English is the language of commerce, and of International business; it is used in healthcare and in the hospitality industry due to tourism. English interpreters are highly sought after, many of whom become ambassadors to English speaking nations Abd-el Wassie (1970). During the hajj many non-Arabic speakers arrive in Mecca and prayers are therefore conducted in English as well as Arabic. The singular position of English in the Gulf stems from its relationships with other languages. Arabic is spoken either as a primary or secondary language. This is in spite of the fact that large segments of the population are émigré workers who either do not or speak very little Arabic. Karmani (2005) approximates expatriate workers at eleven million for the region. These comprise a few native English speakers, East Asians as well as those from the Indian Subcontinent, and their families. The languages spoken here include various dialects of Arabic and English. Domains of Use Local realities in the Gulf have been overlooked, which is surprising considering the emphasis that has been put on the teaching of communicative language in the last three decades; a period that has seen the growth of English language teaching in the region. Communicative language teaching is found in the realities of a particular scenario according to Munby (1978). From a practical field, it lays down the theory and analyses discourse; one of whose important feature is the supremacy of the language in use, with special emphasis on the act of communication comprised of sender, receiver and circumstance. Two features of this viewpoint are important; the focus on the doings of persons using a language, Brown and Yule (1983) and the idea that conversation is archetypal to all types of communiqués; both written and spoken Levinson (1987). Therefore, the ecology of language according to Phillipson & Skutnabb-Kangas (1996), of communities in the Gulf, including the identities of users, prominence and role of different dialects, their domains and diversity, economic and political parameters of usage, is very complicated. Clearly Arabic dominates though many other languages of local and foreign origin are spoken in major cities. Politically speaking, Saudi Arabia is a fairly youthful nation and as is common to developing countries, has experienced very rapid socio-economic as well as demographic transformation. The Saudis executed the ‘rapid expansion policy’ with focus being on quantity of education Abd-el Wassie (1970); Prokop (2003). The development of framework, books, teacher training and schools has been so fast that assessment efforts have been a challenge Abd-el Wassie (1970). An explanation from literature as to the background of domains of use, the indication that Arabic is the dominant language. Other languages are spoken in major cities. Other data as to how restricted or not the speaking of English is in more specific detail, is not available to me. Bilingualism/ Multilingualism and its Relation to Nationalism Arabic is the official language in Saudi Arabia, with English spoken predominantly in business circles and is taught in schools as a compulsory second language. The non-Saudi population which is largely Asian speak Urdu, Farsi and Turkish, with a smattering of other foreign languages incidentally spoken. There are regional variations in Arabic dialect especially amongst rural vs. urban populations but the basic language has remained unchanged for centuries. According to Wilhelm von Humboldt (1797), there is nothing more vital to a nation’s culture than its language. Friedrich von Schlegel (1815) is also quoted as saying that the care of a national language is a sacred trust. In the Gulf States, there has come to be an acceptance that if a migrant labour force is necessary, then it is inevitable that multilingualism must thrive and English then becomes more important in national and international discourse. This has resulted in the establishment of English departments in most major universities such as King Saud University, King Abdul-Aziz University, Imam Mohammed Ibn Saud University, etc. the aim of these departments is to churn out graduates proficient in translation, proselitizing, and other occupations that require a proficiency in English. Originally, the phrase speech community was used to classify a cohort of speakers of a common language; but it has emerged that the use of more than one language in a region is not synonymous with more than one speech community Scherre (2006). The speech community is about common customs in language utilisation, and in such a multilingual society, this body of knowledge is the foundation of a holistic system. Members of this community have differing levels of fluency in the repertoire of languages they possess Sridhar (1996). The use of English in large companies during the 1970s was crucial to their growth. The need for fluency in English was recognised in firms such as Samarec, Aramco and Saudi Airlines, amongst others. This has spread to most sectors as well as SME businesses which are mostly foreign-owned anyway. Pennycook (1994) is not enamoured of the integrative-instrumental theory as he is of the opinion that it does not factor in the degree in which language is fundamental to the socio-economic and political struggles of a nation. Neither the number of speakers of a language, nor the numbers of countries in which it is spoken, nor the population densities make a difference to the supremacy of a language. What matters is economic power, military might, level of scientific advancement, role of global organisations and literary industries of the countries that support a certain language and are resolved to function by it to ascertain the elevation of a language to international status Pennycook (1994). Thus, English with the force of superpowers behind it is a force to reckon with within Saudi Arabian society. Internal Varieties The use of English in this society is proposed by Kachru (1985) to be composed of three ‘circles’. The inner, outer and expanding; and the needs of learners in these three circles are diverse, and motivation amongst second language learners to integrate is not as widespread as assumed. Not only is English a high code in the linguistic diglossia Sridhar (1996) of the communities in the gulf, being used in official documents and highly emphasised in education; but it is also used as colloquial speech. Sometimes, it is the only common linguistic ground between Arab speakers and foreign workers with limited skills. Therefore, a large amount of English is used in communications between non-native speakers as is the global trend Graddol (2006). The usual scenario involves the Arab speakers communicating with Asian workers. Due to language difficulty, this communication may initially consist of facial grimaces and sign language. This has the potential to cause misunderstanding. The use of English is spoken between persons whose first language is not English and therefore it is a very informal type that is spoken. There is typically mixing of English and Arabic or other language. This code-switching or code-mixing within the languages can cause a loss of individual identities and become rudiments of one entity Sridhar (1996). According to Al-Issa (2006) quoting from various sources, there are specific areas where English is applied in the Arabian Gulf. These are technological and scientific areas, business, finance, manufacturing and trade, transportation, tourism, international relations, marketing, telecommunication, mass media such as BBC and Al Jazeera, and the World Wide Web. This indicates a restricted instrumental need for English. Students learn the English language because they have to Kazmi (1997). Nature of Written Traditions The role of English in the Gulf is a quasi-official language used in sync with Arabic. There are many government documents published in both languages as well as public signage and notices. Senior staff in both public and private institutions are expected to be fluent in English; able to read as well as write it, and the media have programming in English as well as newspapers mostly intended to serve the expatriate market but increasingly read by first language Arab speakers Moody (2007). Standardisation of English It is important for English educators to have a background in applied linguists in order to be effective in their duties. In the Saudi Arabian setting, it behoves the teacher to make an error/contrastive analysis between first language (Arabic) and second language (English) in order to come up with an appropriate model to convey each aspect of the language i.e. sound, grammar, spelling, meaning etc. There are many characteristics of the tongue where there is difficulty in comprehension by the users. The acquisition of a second language entails more than mastering the words and sounds. The loss in translation occurs because the learning of a language also involves understanding its mother culture. This may be a problem when learners and users are from a diverse culture with varying communication styles and inclinations. It is important when imparting English as a foreign language to have a good view of both Arabic and English in order to deal with the challenges that will arise. In Saudi Arabia, the learners and users encounter different issues to do with error/contrastive analysis and so it is important to have grounding in this area to understand how and why problems occur. The Saudi Arabian tongue is nowhere codified in English dictionaries. This could be due to lack of representation of Arabic sounds in English, creating difficulties in translation. Therefore, Arabic words used in English are usually italicized or placed in quotes according to the Meriam-Websters Collegiate Dictionary. Institutional Support AMIDEAST is an American not for profit organisation that works with countries across Africa and the middle East, to foster cross-cultural understanding, expanding opportunities for education among other things. In Saudi Arabia, it works with local institutions as well as the education ministry to facilitate training and communication skills based in the English Language. Together with the King Faisal Foundation, who contracted them, AMIDEAST is charged with providing assessment of the English Language, training and recruitment of educators, to facilitate the transformation of King Faisal School in Riyadh into an International Baccalaureate world school. This is in addition to development of an English language enrichment programme to assist students struggling with the challenges of the English curriculum at the school. The military have also benefited with AMIDEAST working hand in hand with the UAE armed forces to design and implement a contemporary institute known as the Military Language Institute. This school prepares all enlisted personnel and officers to be able to discourse in English, French and German in order to carry out their duties or in preparation for further studies overseas amideast.org (2011). These initiatives have been brought about due to an acknowledged crisis in the English language education. Karmani (2005) quoted a UN report from 2003 which noted that ‘the facility with the English language is waning across the Arab world’. This finding is corroborated by English language educators on the ground. The perception seems to be that most students are not adequately ready and so much of the class time is taken up with remedying the situation at the expense of learning. Therefore the disconnect between input in terms of manpower, funding etc, and the output in terms of useful skill in language, keeps widening. There have been several hypotheses forwarded to account for this. A catalogue of unresolved issues is listed by Syed (2003) which includes the lack of motivation displayed by students, dependence upon learning by rote and memorising, highlighting the crucial nature of tests, curricula that is past its sell-by date, inadequate support, and poorly qualified educators. This has resulted in an inability of the students to perceive the connection between capacity in the English language and the needs of communication. Karmani (2005) who studied the socio-political connotations of the issue, perceived a collusion between governments that in their preoccupation with industrialisation, focussed on finance alone as the answer. He also noted the offensive, expedient mercenary culture of global language teaching, in which the ‘usual TESOL paraphernalia’ is promoted at the expense of local knowledge. Al-Issa (2005, 2006, and 2007) agrees with this view, stating that there is a link between modern insufficiency of language and the actuality that applications and ideals of English have developed concurrently with the contemporary fast socio-economic and political trends worldwide. Coffman (2003) classifies English Language teaching with the idea that the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries are fond of importing overseas expertise to carry out pertinent technical and managerial duties rather than examine the issues from a domestic point of view. Attitudes of Users toward English According to Coffman (2003) there is a headlong rush to adopt the American education model in the Middle East, simply due to the perception that a university curriculum of quality must be as completely American as possible. This attitude is not indigenous to Gulf States and Hadley (2004) noted the risk of TESOL contributing to the growth of ‘neocolonial reconstruction’ and advices a refocusing on domestic paradigms inclusive of texts, teachers and the type of English recommended for students. Historically, English Language teaching is chronicled by Phillipson (1992), who reveals that there was a policy amongst imperialist Anglophone powers, as recently as the 1950s was to use language to foster economic disparity in their client states by facilitating the emergence of elitism economically. This would ultimately promote the inception of class structures similar to their own. In Saudi Arabia as elsewhere in the Middle East, the trend for Arabic speakers is to be consumers rather than negotiators of the English language. Should they even express a concept in the language, the still sustain an inability to discover or explore the idea independently. The idea of concept is emphasised without the attendant interpersonal characteristic of communication. The supremacy of certain contexts in communicative theory does not negate the need to pay attention to the person one is in communication with; currently, this notion is disregarded or else assumptions are made that the discourse is conducted with either a native English speaker or one who is a fluent expatriate. This is not so in real time. The consequence of this is to focus on formal correctness. In the viewpoint of the learner, this leads to an attitude that the language is robotic and governed by rules. This leads to immediate boredom and more long term incapacity to communicate in the language. Arabic is perceived as a symbol of unity within Saudi Arabia and surrounding States. The growth of the English language due to presence of migrant workers with whom they must communicate plus the international community, is not seen as a threat to the dominance of Arabic. This is due to factors outlined above. Although many aspects of Saudi society are living in state of the art modernity, there are still juxtaposed upon this, elements of medieval society. Arabic is the link that binds these two schizophrenic aspects of Saudi society; a factor with which English cannot compete. Status in Typology The theory of communication stresses the importance of specificity, distinctiveness and variableness in employment of language; therefore, it should be able to distribute the means to achieve this through the ability to examine contexts. One should also be able to cooperate and be accommodating enough to negotiate meaning, and possess the judgement and resourcefulness to choose appropriate language Munby (1978). This factor has yet to be fully understood by English Language teachers in Saudi Arabia, who reproduce texts that are written with American students in mind, or students intending to study in American institutions. Assuming that to communicate is synonymous with conversation, then it is pertinent to know the recipient and also the sender of communiqués. One way to gauge communication skills of a subject is by an assessment of their competence in the language. In the Saudi Arabian situation, the sender is usually a student of English either as a foreign or at best, a second language. The receiver may be an equivalent Saudi, or a migrant worker with linguistic challenges of their own. Munby (1978) notes that when using English as a foreign language, there is no ideal speech community with uniform competence but various levels of competence, and heterogeneous speech communities. This is an observation that typifies the situation in the Gulf. Failure to apply practically the theoretical aspects of communication by adapting it to the local situation is responsible for Al-Issa’s (2007) humorous classification of the so-called revolution in English language teaching as a ‘neo-colonial/ communicative ideology. Politically, Saudi Arabia originates in the Wahhabi movement which commands the loyalty of the Al Saud royal family. This association which is both religious and political also dictates the nation’s culture, societal and political customs, mind-set, conduct and environment. The psychology of politics habitually is of the viewpoint that the system of politics used is instrumental in shaping the recollections, sentiments, language, individuality, stereotypes and actions of the public. In the Saudi Arabian situation, it can be inferred that they are accustomed to the status quo with change being a rare phenomenon, and a majority happy to remain within the confines of what they are used to. After the September 11th attacks on the United States, there has been a shift in the bedrock of these beliefs. Saudi Arabia is presently undergoing a transformation perpetuated by a vigorous and complicated landscape of socio-political and spiritual discourse that is spreading throughout the country. Saudi Arabia is in flux. The issues are to take note of who is speaking and to whom they are speaking; in order to adapt the learning of English to this situation. However, as people become more literate, and gain more knowledge, the situation will again change, so the future is to be observed. References Abd-el Wassie, A. (1970). Education in Saudi Arabia: A history of fifteen years effort to spread education in a developing country, an orthodox diagnosis, and some proposals for a better future. London: Macmillan. Al-Issa, A.S.M. (2005). An ideological discussion of the impact of the NNEST‟s English language knowledge on ESL policy implementation: A special reference to the Omani context. Asian EFL Journal, 7(3). Retrieved April 20th 2011, from http://www.asian-efl-journal.com/September_05_asmi.php Al-Issa, A.S.M. (2006). The cultural and economic politics of English language teaching in the Sultanate of Oman. Asian EFL Journal, 8(1). Retrieved April 20th 2011, from http://www.asian-efl-journal.com/March_06_asmi.php Al-Issa, A.S.M. (2007). The implications of implementing a „flexible‟ syllabus for ESL policy in the Sultanate of Oman. RELC Journal 38(2). Retrieved April 20th 2011, from http:www.rel.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/38/2/199 Brown, G., & Yule, G. (1983). Discourse analysis. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. Bruthiaux, P. (2003). Squaring the circle: issues in modelling English worldwide. International Journal of Applied Linguistics 13/2, 159-178 Coffman, J. (2003). Higher education in the Gulf: Privatization and Americanization. International Higher Education, 33. Retrieved June 11, 2008, from http://www.bc.edu/bc_org/avp/soe/cihe/newsletter/News33/text009.htm Fishman, J. A., Cooper, R. W., & Conrad, Y. (1977).The Spread of English. Rowley, Mass: Newbury House. Graddol, D. (2006). English next: Why global English may mean the end of ‘English as a foreign language’. [London]: The British Council. Hadley, G. (2004). ELT and the new world order: Nation building or neo-colonial reconstruction? Retrieved February 28, 2006, from http://www.tesolislamia.org/ articles.html International Constitutional Law. (2005). Article 1: Saudi Arabian constitution. Retrieved April 25th 2011, from. http://www.servat.unibe.ch/icl/sa00000_.html. Karmani, S. (2005). Petro-linguistics: The emerging nexus between oil, English, and Islam. Journal of Language, Identity, and Education, 4(2), 87-102. Levinson, S.C. (1987). Pragmatics. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. McArthur, T. (2002). The Oxford Guide to World English. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ministry of Planning. (1995). Sixth development plan 1995–2000. Riyadh: Ministry of Planning. Moody, J. (2007). Using the business section of a local newspaper in teaching English for business studies. In N. Kassabgy and A. Elshimi (Eds.), Sustaining excellence in‘communicating across the curriculum’: Cross-institutional experiences and best practices (pp. 51-68). Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, Munby, J. (1978). Communicative syllabus design. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. Pennycook, A. (1994). The Cultural Politics of English as an International Language. Harlow, Essex, UK: Longman Group Limited Phillipson, R. (1992). Linguistic imperialism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Phillipson, R., & Skutnabb-Kangas, T. (1996). English only worldwide or language ecology? TESOL Quarterly 30, 3, 429-452. Prokop, M. (2003). Saudi Arabia: the politics of education. International Affairs, 79(1), 77–89. Prokop, M. (2005). The war of ideas: education in Saudi Arabia. In P. Aarts, & G. Nonneman (Eds.), Saudi Arabia in the balance: Political economy, society, foreign affairs (pp. 57–81). London: Hurst & Company. Sridhar, K.K. (1996). Societal multilingualism. In S.L. McKay & N.H. Hornberger (Eds.), Sociolinguistics and language teaching (pp. 47-70). Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. Stalinsky, S. (2003, February). Inside the Saudi classroom. National Review Online. Retrieved April 25th 2011 from. http://www.nationalreview.com/comment/commentstalinsky020703.asp. Syed, Z. (2003). TESOL in the Gulf: The socio-cultural context of English language teaching in the Gulf. TESOL Quarterly, 37(2), 337-341. Read More