Struggles over the English Language and Struggles over National Identity - Essay Example

Language Module Language Introduction According to UNESCO, English is currently the second most spoken language inthe world. Being so prevalent, one would expect that it would be viewed positively among its speakers. However, English has been blamed for adverse implications on the national identities of individual countries. This paper examines the nature and extent of the relationship between the struggles over the English language and the struggles over national identity. Discussion Since the advent of colonialism, the relationship between language, culture, and national identity has become more apparent. Language and culture are closely related, especially because language is part of culture. When considered individually, however, language and culture have a major impact on national identity. In this regard, Anderson is right in arguing that the mother tongue is the medium through which fellowships are imagined, history is rebuilt, and futures fantasised among patriots1. First, it is important to explore the concept of nationalism since it has a huge bearing on the impact of language. Nationalism is a relatively new concept for most countries; this is because most countries are relatively young. In this regard, it could be said that the oldest countries have the strongest links to nationalism2. For example, it is hardly surprising that terms like Americanism, capitalism, and communism, liberalism, socialism and anarchism are more entrenched in Western societies than in African ones. These isms are not only foreign but also imposed, and language is the vehicle used to facilitate such imposition. However, what differentiates younger from older countries is culture, because culture is rarely dependent on nationalistic ideals. In English in the World: History, Diversity, Change, Seargeant and Swann explore the concept of globalisation and its connection to the spread of English3. Globalisation is often cited as one of the hindrances to nationalism and the development of nationalist ideals; this makes it a prime candidate for the examination of the relationship between struggles over the English language and struggles over national identities. The authors argue that the relationship between globalisation and English is two-way4. On one hand, the greater dynamism in society and the manner in which numerous facets of contemporary life function on an international rather than national level create a need for a standard method of communication that supersedes national boundaries. For example, if an enterprise wants to trade with businesses in other parts of the world, they must have a standard working dialect; English has emerged as the best option for this role5. However, the authors also state that since English is now used in increasingly diverse settings, it is also evolving to adapt to the conditions under which it is used6. Culture and language preceded colonialism, meaning they were endemic to specific regions before the spread of colonialist dialects7. At this juncture, it is imperative to shift attention to the language that is the focus of this paper: English. The spread of the English language has coincided with a major decline in the nationalistic values in countries that have adopted English as lingua franca. For former colonies, English represents a departure from the “old ways” that defined their cultures and identities8. Some scholars have claimed that English is simply a system of identification, a neutral option to the many languages spoken around the world. Findings of past and current studies, however, lean towards Anderson’s theory. This is evident in the existence of two types of linguistic identities in countries where English was adopted. For example, in Africa, a majority of nations have an official language and a national language. In a country like Kenya, the national language is Swahili but the official language is English; this ambivalence is rare in the West, where the official language usually serves as the national language9. In England, the ostensible birthplace of English, there is no counter to the hegemony of English culture and identity. However, in other countries, the duality is so impactful that, to escape the cul-de-sacs created by balancing the national language and the official language (i.e., English) citizens have been forced to choose between the two10. In such cases, the official language prevails, and people are compelled to lose some of their national identities. This shows that struggles over the English language result in struggles over national identity. The only other option available for countries that lack a national language but are averse to adopting UK English in its entirety is to craft their own variant of English that facilitates the preservation of their cultures and promote nationalism11. This is the case in countries like the United States, where American English developed in opposition to the “corrupt” and neocolonialist features of British English. However, in spite of this radical move, the British aspect of American English is still quite apparent. Consequently, it is safe to say that American English is not so American after all. The ripple effects of such disparity are visible in developing countries that are yet to properly distinguish between American and British English12. As a result, there are millions of English as a second language (ESL) speaker who do not understand whether the English they speak is American or British and the effects of this ambiguity on their national identity. The rationale that struggles over the English language equal struggles over national identity goes much deeper than the linguistic dimension13. It is not coincidental that countries that have the weakest national identities also have the strongest affiliations to English. English was the forbearer of British imperialist aggression; it was the tool by which the British Empire “converted” native populations into its subjects. It is no wonder that the faster English was embedded in colonies, the faster colonialist policies took shape. The British Empire used English to usurp the cultures and traditions of colonies, so much so that a large percentage of the post-independence period was dedicated to restoring the values that had been eroded by the English language and finding an identity14. However, in most former British colonies, this rebuilding process has never been completed, and it is unlikely that it will ever be. This is because by the time independence was acquired, English was already the dominant language in international business, politics, and diplomacy. This meant that deviating from it – whether to re-establish cultural identities and nurture nationalism – was too tasking and costly15. At the same time, the transition to the English language was not successfully accomplished. The result is countries where local populations are struggling with both English and national identities. In spite of this, such an argument does not mean that if the British Empire’s forced conversion of natives into English-speaking people had been successful then national identities would have been similarly reengineered16. The only way this would have been possible would have been if the colonialist had remained intact despite the attainment of independence. This can be seen in principalities and small island nations in the Pacific, where whole populations have had their national and linguistic identities completely transformed into the British model. There is a positive correlation between struggles over the English language and struggles over national identity. In The Politics of English: Conflict, Competition, Co-existence, Hewings and Tagg cite a 1992 study conducted by Robert Phillipson17. In the study, Phillipson claims that the global spread of English has largely been masterminded by countries like Britain and the United States as instruments for advancing their economic and political interests. Phillipson calls this phenomenon linguistic imperialism. According to Phillipson, linguistic imperialism is the medium through which the politics of English support the methods used specific “centre” countries (UK, USA) to impose their policies on less influential nations18. Phillipson does not clarify, however, whether he thinks that linguistic imperialism and its byproduct – struggles over English – are responsible for struggles over national identities19. In spite of this, he seems to suggest that, by defying the values of local communities, linguistic imperialism erodes nationalism by imposing a foreign language on the populations of developing countries. Phillipson’s narrative is challenged by scholars who contend that there is insufficient evidence to justify the notion that struggles over English are associated with struggles over national identities20. In fact, according to Hewings and Tagg, various researchers have shown that rather than create struggles over national identities, English was historically used by nationalist leaders in former colonies like Malawi, Nigeria and Kenya to ethnically and linguistically unite different communities in the fight against colonial rule21. This perspective, therefore, insinuates that although there are struggles over English, struggles over national identities should not and cannot be attributed to them. So far, scholarly evidence shows that in countries where nationalism has been firmly established, struggles over the English language have little impact at the cultural or national level22. For example, in the European Union, where each member country’s national language qualifies as the official language, each member country still retains its nationalistic ideals. For example, currently, there is a large immigrant population in the United Kingdom, mostly composed of citizens of other EU member countries as well as people whose countries of birth are members of the Commonwealth23. Although a majority of these immigrants are not fluent in British English, immigrants from EU member countries have stronger national identities than their counterparts from Commonwealth nations. If anything, research shows that for those whose countries of origin are members of the EU, living in a foreign country elicits forges stronger patriotic and nationalistic values24. Although both groups struggle with English, those whose countries have historically sound nationalistic foundations retain their national identities regardless of the language of their adopted countries. In countries where English is an official instead of a national language, confusion abounds over national identities. From an early age, a large percentage of children whose parents speak English as a second language are first taught their mother tongue prior to learning English25. It could be said that the brains of these children are wired to prioritise their native languages over any other foreign dialects (i.e., English). Problems start emerging when children commence school and are taught in English26. In an academic setting, when children learn English as a subject they assimilate the language they and others will need to associate with the social entity known as “the nation.” In this case, the children are taught a foreign language that is markedly different from their mother tongue. On the other hand, in countries where English is spoken as a native language, children are essentially taught in their mother tongue; this reduces differences in the theoretical and practical aspects of language use. For countries where English is spoken as a second language, the gravity of the struggle over national identities is directly proportional to the degree to which native languages are enshrined. In some countries, national languages are not as established as official languages27. In others, however, there is an almost top-down use of the national language while the official language is accepted but not as widespread. Research shows that a top-down linguistic usage is more effective in limiting the struggle over national identities than a balanced variant. In some countries, children are taught to not only read, write, and speak the national language but are also pushed to ignore their mother tongues or slang they speak in social groups. In some cases, children are also encouraged to sideline their other affiliations in favour of nationalism. In such cases, the effects of English on the national identities of local populations are considerably stymied. For example, in European countries like Poland and Portugal, English is accepted in formal settings but Polish and Portuguese are given priority in mainstream circles28. In most developing countries, however, it is not apparent which language is recommended for use in any setting because of weak socioeconomic and political structures. As a result, French or Swahili may be the national language but since it is not firmly established, English dominates it and creates confusion over national identities. The struggle over national identities is seldom seen in countries where the hegemony of English is countered by the hegemony of nationalism. In such cases, citizens are encouraged to shun bilingualism or multilingualism in favour of the national language and to promote the use of the national language at all levels. This implies that the assumption that the impact of English on national identities is inherent is fallacious; it is possible to adopt measures that limit the effects of English on nationalist ambitions29. By giving citizens the option to choose which language to use in different settings, governments open the door for English to inject ambiguity in national identities. It is already known that on the international arena, few dialects can match the international appeal of English; this explains why it is the preferred language in globalist agendas30. As such, to prevent it from fostering struggles over national identities, it must be strictly regulated or adopted in its entirety to facilitate national stability, progress, and identity. This approach has been successfully employed by Britain and the United States, where the existence of other languages does not threaten the domination of English. Widespread implementation of national languages over English reduces citizens’ compulsion to learn English and, consequently, reduces the struggles over English. For example, in countries where pupils read academic texts that are written in national languages other than English, the competence of the pupils is considerably enhanced31. The stronger the pupils’ competence, the more conveniently they relate to their national identities, and the faster they are identified by fellow citizens as part of the nation state, the national fabric, and the national group. Some governments develop curriculums and systems that require the use of texts and media that symbolise or enhance national identity32. These materials are viewed as platforms for the advancement of nationalist ideals and, as a result, the national language and common associations with materials that all pupils have been exposed to, are the conditions through which populations identify each other, avoid pervasion by English, and stand out from “outsiders.” This way, the population acquires a collective memory of and inclination to national identities and language33. The collective memory is often visible in academic, social, political, and economic circles and plays a huge role in preserving nationalism and national languages at the expense of English. Regular strengthening of the connection between national language and national identity is vital to sustaining national ideals and checking the impact of English and other foreign languages. For learners, challenges usually arise when they are required to use language to study other disciplines34. Such challenges can be examined with respect to how the unique jargons of, for example, chemistry or history can hinder the comprehension of the discipline. In this case, the instructors of the affected subjects should translate and elaborate cues into the national language. The relationship between the struggle over national identities and the struggle over English can also be analysed regarding social identities35. People usually study to specialise in certain disciplines and then become affiliated with the social entity chemists or mathematicians. Subject instructors tend to associate tightly with such professional outfit identities and, in a similar way to all social entities, they share language or language variety. For example, when they communicate verbally or orally, they employ the language that they developed through interactions with mathematicians or chemists or formally learned when they first started studying chemistry or mathematics. Conclusion This paper shows that the struggles over English have a noticeable impact on the struggles over national identity. The extent of this impact varies from country to country, but the fact that it is significant enough to cause concern in academic, socio-political, and economic settings shows that it cannot be overlooked. In summary, struggles in any language appear to influence struggles over national identities. References Breuilly, John., The Oxford handbook of the history of nationalism, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2013. Crocco, Francesco., Literature and the growth of British nationalism: the influence of romantic poetry and Bardic criticism, New York, McFarland, 2014. Hewings, Ann, and Caroline Tagg., The Politics of English: conflict, competition, co-existence, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, Routledge, 2012. Kamusella, Tomasz., The politics of language and nationalism in modern Central Europe, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2012. Lynch, Kathryn L., Chaucers cultural geography, New York, Routledge, 2013. Percy, Carol, and Mary Davidson, eds., The languages of nation attitudes and norms, Bristol, Multilingual Matters, 2012. Schiffman, Harold F., Linguistic culture and language policy, London, Routledge, 2012. Seargeant, Philip, and Joan Swann, eds., English in the world: history, diversity, change. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, Routledge, 2012. Smith, Anthony D., Nationalism and modernism a critical survey of recent theories of nations and nationalism, London, Routledge, 2013. Read More