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en if athletes are the point of interest in the Olympic Games, yet there are ways through which the rights of the athletes can be protected without necessarily supporting actions of countries whose actions are an affront to the goals of the Olympics.
There are several efforts that the author concerts, as a way of providing his viewpoints with evidence. He quotes authorities in social sciences and political studies such as Anita DeFrantz and Tim Wendel to validate his claims and propositions, respectively. He also adduces historical and diplomatic realities to validate his viewpoints. For example, he mentions: China’s invasion of Tibet in 1950s; China attenuating democratic space and suppressing liberty presently; and China being Sudan’s supplier of arms and chief buyer of Sudan’s oil.
One of the views (Reader’s view of the situation) stresses that boycotting Olympics is not the solution to the problems that undermine the goals and essence of the games. The view divulges that instead, boycotts frustrate the interests of the athletes themselves. The antithesis of this view is that even though boycotts may undermine the interests of athletes, yet, the failure to address a host country’s injustices is a threat to the promise of peace.
The writer sufficiently acknowledges these opposing views by: discussing their essence and viability; issuing examples to underscore these views (for instance Russia and China’s political stance towards human rights are repeatedly referred to); and suggesting and qualifying the panacea to the problem.
The conclusion emphasizes the ineffectiveness of boycotts in tackling injustices, the injurious pitfalls of holding Olympic Games in repressive host countries, and a possible nostrum to the problem as being workable. This nostrum (proposition) is establishing permanent Olympic sites in countries that uphold the values that these Olympic Games promote.
Traditional arguments would make the essay different by arguing that
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