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Is our Education System Failing - Essay Example

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The question of whether high schools are failing as institutions has critically important implications for the future of individual communities and the nation as a whole. Extensive research attention has been devoted to detailing the extent to which American secondary schools are inadequately preparing students for post-secondary education and their future careers…
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Is our Education System Failing
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?Andrew V. Pritchett English 123 Mrs. Trent Paper 2 High School: Is our Education System Failing? The question of whether high schools (or secondary schools) are failing as institutions has critically important implications for the future of individual communities and the nation as a whole. For that reason, extensive research attention has been devoted to detailing the extent to which American secondary schools are inadequately preparing students for post-secondary education and their future careers (Swanson, 2003). If the American education system is incorrectly preparing students for entering the workplace, then this not only creates a problem for the education of young people, but also the long-term productivity and competiveness of the United States. Research evidence seems to indicate the problem may be one of inappropriate measurement methods; however, a more detailed examination of American secondary schools indicates that although measurement methods might negatively affect our estimates about how much high schools are failing students, an underlying problem still exists and it needs to be corrected. This underlying problem with secondary schools is one that revolves around the concept of accountability, and a number of issues emerge from unaccountable schools. An important consideration to make when considering the success or failure of American secondary schools is the statistics involved with either side of the argument. A graduation rate is a good indicator of whether a specific school is successfully educating and preparing its students. Therefore, it is essential to see whether the statistical measurements of graduation are actually correct or not. Swanson (2003) analyzes American graduation rates across the country, and offers a resource for better evaluating and measuring the graduation crisis. The analysis points to a clear role for public policy in improving the conditions and environmental circumstances in which American secondary schools operate. An important consequence of this is that “the findings here do tell us that there is a strong and very detrimental linkage between graduation rates and the environmental conditions that go along with factors like poverty and segregation” (Swanson, 2003, p. 35). Accordingly, the author of this report is convinced that incorrect concepts of graduation rates leads to incorrect views (and incorrect solutions) of the educational crisis. That is, by identifying the environmental circumstances surrounding failing schools, officials can be better prepared with “better knowledge” about how to fix the problem. However, ascribing poor graduation rates to environmental circumstances (such as poverty and segregation) is a point of view that moves responsibility for failings away from the schools themselves. Swanson (2003) is suggesting that the only solutions to the graduation crisis can only come from successful interventions, which implies that internal changes to schools is not an effective strategy. But studies such as Chiang (2009) indicate that accountability pressure, which is defined as the “threat of sanctions on low-performing schools,” is not an effective tool when schools are able to manipulate the accountability system. Referencing claims like those made by Swanson (2003), Chiang (2009) argues that accountability systems within schools properly constructed and maintained make educational reforms more likely to generate test score gains. So, even if in fact American secondary schools are failing their students in terms of the students’ long-term benefits, improved accountability systems within schools will lessen the impact of environmental circumstances that decrease student performance. For instance, in some cases, sanction threats prompted schools to increase spending on instructional technology, which improved student performance. Knowing that accountability is the best solution for making sure secondary schools do not fail their students, one might compare that result with additional studies where accountability is a problem (the subject of Chiang’s study) and where environmental circumstances are problematic for schools (the subject of Swanson’s study). Fallis and Opotow (2003) studied rates of cutting class in urban public schools. Their results indicate that class cutting is a systematic, institutional problem that schools are either incapable or unwilling to address. Since this issue is tied to individual student performance, which is a key component of secondary school success, it is bundled with the issue of school accountability. Based on a literature review, the authors indicate that unaddressed class cutting behavior leads to “moral exclusion and structural violence” (Fallis & Opotow, 2003, p. 103). In this context, it seems very true that high schools are indeed failing their students. But there is the opposite perspective in which students are actually failing their school insofar as they are disengaged and unwilling to work toward their own success. A student who is unwilling to work toward his own success brings us back to the comments of Swanson (2003), which takes the view that environmental circumstances lead to high school failings. The so-called “boredom” that the students of the Fallis and Opotow (2003) study experience may be due to the poverty and segregation (which leads to cynicism of education’s practical benefits) inherent in some communities where high schools are most likely to achieve poor results. Class cutting is simply a good way of measuring this influence of environmental risk factors. With that in mind, the authors discovered that instead of relying on standard punishments, schools can respond in a more effect manner by working with students collaboratively and improving their accountability systems. In order to stop failing their students, these schools must make the conscious decision to help students stop failing the school as well. To return to the initial concern of whether high schools are failing their students, one must first have a good way of measuring and defining success versus failure and second have a solution to ensuring that success. Swanson (2003) provides the measurement, Chiang (2009) seems to provide a solution, and Fallis and Opotow (2003) provide a definition (in class cutting) for how to conceptualize the two-direction relationship between the students and the school. Levin, Belfield, Muennig and Rouse (2007) evaluate the financial returns of raising high school graduation rates by taking into consideration welfare, healthcare, labor markets, and other factors. Their evaluation is based on intervening in five areas, one of which is the First Things First, which promises “instructional improvement efforts” and “small learning communities” (p. 4). This is similar in nature to the suggestion that the schools must work closely with students to reduce “boredom” and other environmentally-induced barriers to productive learning. By implementing similar sorts of internal changes, schools can improve student outcomes, reduce high school dropouts, and achieve a net economic benefit of $127,000 per student (p. 1). As stated previously, the problem of high school failures has wide reaching implications, beyond the mere success and failures of individual students. The success or failure of a high school depends on whether it has the internal accountability that is necessary to prevent the students from giving up on their education. As Swanson (2003) suggests, many urban schools with problematic environments do not possess this accountability. Chiang (2009) discusses the methods that schools can use to improve their accountability systems to achieve higher student performance. One of these ways, as Fallis and Opotow (2003) prove, is to work collaboratively with students to establish mutually beneficial goals for education. The overall economic and public benefits of keeping high schools from failing are significant (Levin, Belfield, Muennig, & Rouse, 2007). References Chiang, H. (2009). How accountability pressure on failing schools affects student achievement. Journal of Public Economics, 93 , 1045-1057. Fallis, R., & Opotow, S. (2003). Are students failing school or are schools failing students? Class cutting in high school. Journal of Social Issues, 59 , 103-119. Levin, H., Belfield, C., Muennig, P., & Rouse, C. (2007). The costs and benefits of an excellent education for all of America's children. New York: Columbia University. Swanson, C. (2003). Who graduates? Who doesn’t? A statistical portrait of public high school graduation, class of 2001. Washington, D.C.: The Urban Institute. Read More
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