The Slave Trade - Essay Example

Student’s name: Tutor’s name: Course: Date: To what extent were slaves in Colonial Latin America able to create their own culture? Introduction Slave trade, which began in the seventeenth century, led to the capture and transportation of Africans to bondage in Latin America. Such dislocation of the African people separated them from their culture, forced them into a new continent, and left them with no social contact. From that point of desolation, it has been indicated in multiple literature sources (e.g. Sullivan 21; Hensel 16) that the slaves were able to form and develop a new culture, which was based on a combination of past and new experiences. The culture not only developed because the slaves felt it appropriate to hold on to their own set of values, language or way of doing things, but also because they were perceived by the free American population (which was predominantly white while the slaves were dark-skinned having been obtained from Africa) as separate and unequal. This research will adopt Solomon’s definition of culture, where it is defined as “the accumulation of shared meanings, rituals, norms and traditions among members of an organisation or society” (542). The paper however acknowledges that culture is a concept that is in flux especially because it keeps evolving. Notably however, much as it may change, culture harmonises new values and ideas with traditional ones. Based on the foregoing, this paper will investigate the extent to which the slaves were able to create their own culture, and conclude by noting that although slave populations often lived as crowds as opposed to culturally homogenous groups, they succeeded in creating their own culture which was a mixture of their past experiences before captured into slavery, and their present, which at the time was their stay in captivity. Some of those cultures have withstood the test of time and are still practiced by descendants of slaves in Latin America and the Diaspora. The music culture Among the most discussed culture whose genesis lies in slavery is the slave song, which has eventually changed to the modern-day hip-hop culture (Sullivan 21). The first type of music that was accepted by even the white slave owners were the African-American spiritual also referred to as the Negrillo music in Spain. According to Sullivan, the spirituals “were less overtly African than other African-American music, and therefore less threatening...” (23). The Negrillo was a baroque music style which according to Restall and Lane, formed the root of the modern day music such as meringue and the Samba (166). Although the slave drivers believed that the inspiration behind the African-American Negrillo was a desire by the slaves to embrace Christianity, it has been argued that most such songs, although borrowing phrases from the bible, had freedom as the central theme. The cultural significance of the African-American music (spirituals) was that they combined elements of European and Africa traditions to create a music tradition that was unique from what was the norm in Latin America at the time. One of the critical roles played by the spirituals is that they bound people together, and by so doing, enabled them to concentrate on identified goals, which they pursued as a homogenous group (Sullivan 23). Eventually, the coming together of the slaves to sing, or be entertained through the spirituals led to a unique slave culture, which has persisted to date, albeit in various music types (e.g. Samba and Meringue). Notably however, some of the music types that have their genesis from the slave culture are no longer perceived as such. Rather, they have been adopted by the wider population, and the modern generation do not know that the music did indeed have its roots in the slave culture. The music culture was not concentrated on only one part of Latin America. In Trinidad for example, the Soca and the Calypso are two music traditions whose genesis is in the Afro-carribean oral tradition, which emanated from slavery (Rohlehr 213). The Calypso has been cited as a culture which came from slaves and which has undergone continuous changes as it was passed through one generation to the other (Rohlehr 213). In Jamaica, Reggae music stemmed from slavery, and later, the colonialism conditions that the Jamaican slaves and their descendant went through. Reggae music constitutes a sad tale of immoral profiteering by the slave masters and colonialists, lawlessness and human suffering that the African slaves had to endure (King, Bays & Foster xii). The music is also cited as a reflection of the folk music heritage drawn from Africa, and as such, indicates that even though the slaves were moved away from what they were familiar with in Africa, they still retain aspects of that culture, which they hold on to until today. The music is also a reflection of the different cultural aspect that slaves and their descendants have experienced since being captured into slavery. Another cultural aspect to reggae music is that the Rastafarians used it and still use it to express their resistance to oppression (King et al xii). Additionally, they also used (and still do) reggae music to create a unique black identity and such an identity gives them a platform to vent the pent-up frustration, dehumanisation and suffering that they have suffered under the white man’s domination both during slavery and colonialism (King et al xiii). Music instruments too are part of the slave culture, which persisted into the independent states of such countries such as Trinidad and Tobago. The steel drum (which is a variant of the original hide and skins drums used African slaves) was positioned as the national instrument for the independent state of Trinidad and Tobago in 1962 (Riggio 43). In modern day Trinidad, a competition is held to identify the orchestra that has the best music arrangement aided by steel drums and pans. Religion The cultural effect of slaves of African descent on religion in some part of Latin America is rather obvious. As Lippy and Williams notes, traces of African heritage “still persist in some segments f the America in language and religious beliefs” (178). Among the reasons that African heritage had a significant effect on religion is that the forcibly transported slaves held on to their ancient religions because that was the only hope they could hold on to when their lives were reorganised in foreign environments. Lippy and Williams note that slaves of African descent were no different from other people, past and present who find hope in spirituality (178). As such, they introduced spiritual cosmology into their new environments as a way of making life more bearable. Kirby and Sanchez explain the religion aspect of the slave culture by noting that “When the Africans were forcefully shipped across the Atlantic in the sixteenth century, they left behind a great deal of material culture: artefacts, cooking utensils, artwork and weapons. But they brought their gods” (37). The Haitian Vodun, the Jamaican Cumina, and the Cuban Santeria are three among many cultural practices that had their genesis among slaves of African descent. The Haitian Vodun or Voodoo is for example indicated as having started as a religious sentiment by slaves (Lippy & Williams 181). The religion was nurtured in forests away from the knowledge of slave police and the catholic priests. Over the years, the religion has been handed down through generations, and has been perceived as an all-embracing religion and tradition for the peasants in Haiti. Notably, the formation of Vodun was inspired by the forced conversion to Christianity, which the slaves were subjected to. Lippy and Williams observe that in the beginning, Vodun was just an innocent way of slaves wanting to stick to their own religion as practiced in Africa; it was also a rebellious way of disagreeing with the slave masters by refusing to take up their religious beliefs (183). In the second phase of Vodun, the religion became a source of supernatural power and inspiration as the slaves started asserting themselves and rejecting depersonalisation and oppression tendencies by their masters. At some time in history (1800-1815), Haitian Inspector General of culture declared the Catholic religion as the official religion in the country in an effort to suppress Vodun. Vodun was also outlawed, but it silently diffused among people of African descent (Lippy & Williams 185). During Francois Duvalier’s reign between 1957 and 1971, Lippy and Williams (185) observe that Vodum was rehabilitated, and as a result, the religion can be found in major cities in Haiti and even beyond the Haitian borders where Haitian immigrants live. The Vodun is a cultural undertaking that involves rites and religious liturgical drama and is hence one of the cultural creations of slaves that has withstood the test of time. The Cuban Santeria is also another religion, which same as the Haitian Vodon, has its genesis in slave culture. Santeria is defined as “a complex of divination, spirit possession and sacrifice with the Yoruba tradition at its core” (Lippy & Williams 183). Today, Santeria thrives not only in Cuba, but also in Cuban Diaspora. But Santeria was not purely an African phenomenon; the Catholic Church played a role in its evolution (Kirby & Sanchez 42). The Catholic Church in Latin America would teach the slaves a few ritual gestures and prayers to grant them baptism, and as such, most slaves found it easy to worship their gods during catholic prayer assemblies (Kirby & Sanchez 42). Slaves in Cuba however could worship the Santerian god secretly, and he (the god) was considered the underground but more superior alternative to the catholic god. The slaves established a religious culture where the Santerian god was perceived as the prescriber of medicine, potions and baths derived from herbs. To appease him, the slaves would offer him animal sacrifices (Lippy & Williams 183). As Kirby and Sanchez note, the Santerian religion and tradition has been passed through generations, and to date, a majority of Cubans who trace their lineage to African slaves, still practice the religion (43). A fairly recent formation of culture, following in the slave culture is the Rastafarian religion in Jamaica, which emerged between the 1930s and the 1940s. According to Schuler, Rastafarian culture emerged directly from Myal revivalism in Jamaica. Myal was a folk religion upheld by slaves in the country, but which had Christian Baptist aspect to it (20). Notably however, the Rastafarian religion vigorously oppose the Christian God, and instead, has identified Ethiopia’s former emperor Haile Sellassie I as the reincarnated Yahweh of the Old Testament, and has given him the name Jah (Patrick 2). The Rastas (i.e. people who practice the Rastafarian religion) have a collection of healing practices, which are derived from other slave-based religious traditions such as the Pukumina and Kumina. The Rastafarian culture has symbolic elements, which include the dreadlocked hairstyles, their language, and food (usually the failure to salt their food) (Patrick 4). The rasta language (known as Rasta Talk) has been defined as “lexical expansion with a creole system” (Pollard 32). Arguably, the Rastafarian culture is also another culture that emerged from slavery, and which has withstood the test of time to remain relevant in the modern world. Nationality and politics It has been noted that the maroon settlements popular among slaves in Latin America were an attempt to form black states (Cruz n.pag.). Essentially, it can be argued that the slaves were establishing a political culture, in the way of states within states. The success of the political culture established by the slaves was first evident when Haiti became the second country to gain independence (after the United States of America) in 1804. Haiti was not only a state that had a predominant African heritage, but it was ruled by black people whose lineage could easily be traced to slavery. The political culture by African was not always successful as was the case in Haiti. In Brazil for example, the Frente Negra Brazileira was a political party formed in 1931 to offer afro-Brazilians a political voice (Cruz n.pag.). As time went by however, the political party became less popular and eventually became extinct especially as Brazil went into dictatorship in the 1930s and 1940s. The slaves political culture have however had long-lasting effects on governments in countries like Jamaica, Antigua, Dominica, Grenada, Barbados, Netherland Antilles, Trinidad and Tobago and Saint Vincent and Grenadines among others, which are currently, or have in the recent past been controlled by governments led by people of African ancestry. Some of these countries (e.g. Cuba) have formed close links with African countries such as Ethiopia and Angola among others (Cruz n.pag.). The carnivals in Trinidad and Brazil are also part of the political culture, although they were perceived (and still are) as entertainment. The Trinidad Carnival has for example been described as a reflection of the “stories of conquest, enslavement, resistance, and indentureship” experiences of slaves who were forcibly taken to Trinidad (Riggio 39). Although not an initial creation of the slave culture, Riggio notes that the slaves imitated the annual carnival held by their masters to organise their own carnivals, in which they imitated and made fun of their masters (40). While the masters donned colourful costumes, the slaves would wear costumes made of feathers, sticks and stones, not only as a reflection of their traditions, but also as a social-political message portraying the oppressive political and social structures they lived in (Riggio 40). The slave costumes were aptly named the masquerade costumes, because they had hidden meanings that the slave masters could not easily decipher. The tradition of masquerade costumes still persist and as Riggio notes, creativity in designing costumes for wear during the carnival is still used in order to (sometimes) communicate a political message just as the slaves used to do (41). In modern day Trinidad, the carnival has been defined as lying within “the shadows of slavery indentured labour, colonialism, imperialism and now globalisation” (Schechner 6). It has also been argued that the carnival celebrates the individual and collective freedom and liberties of the slaves and their freed generations, which are considered hard-won through tenuous process, and which current generations of African descent still feel could be threatened (Schechner 6). Overall therefore, it can be said that the political culture of the carnival, at least in Trinidad, still persist to date. Black Literature The cultural legacy contained in black literature in Latin America has its genesis in Slavery. Multiple authors have written in subjects that non-slave writers would not addressed, and as a result, were able to preserve and pass on the beliefs, practices and other cultural aspects to future generations. In Costa Rica for example, writers such as Eulalia Bernard and Shirley Campbell are a reflection of the black literature, which still persists to date. In Brazil, black writers have found great themes from slavery, and as a result tales and legends have been passed from one generation to another through black literature. João da Cruz e Sousa (1861-1898) is one such black writer known for his symbolism in poetry in which he expressed the bitter suffering that characterised slavery (Cruz n.pag). Through such writings, beliefs and values were passed through generations. In Haiti, Jacques Roumain (1907-1944) is also a renowned poet who expressed his pride, bitterness, and mixed feelings about his black origins (Cruz n.pag.). Although he died at a young age of 37 years, Roumain’s writing are regarded as relevant to the current Haitian culture, and it is also indicated that the influence of his writings also shape the contemporary pan-African world (Joseph 343). In one of his books, he indicated describes the black people are the Haitian country. He argues that Haiti would not have been what it was then if the black people did not plant, water and harvest different crops. He however laments that despite all their labour, the black people remained poor, mainly because they were ignorant (Masters of the Dew 106 cited by Joseph 332). As a writer, Jacques Roumain merged proletarian-peasant literature with communist politics, and in the process came up with a cultural movement in Haiti that rejected western values and cultures (Joseph 325). Nicolás Guillén (1902-1989) is another poet who has helped pass the black culture among generations of people who used to be slaves. Born in Cuba, Nicolás Guillén poetry had cross-cultural themes laced with afro-Cuban songs, legends and speech (Auguier & Bernstein 30). In addition to Poetry, Nicolás Guillén is known for the recreation of African songs and dance to literary form (Auguier & Bernstein 30). Nicolás Guillén’s poetry is studied in modern day Cuba, and this means that most of the cultural lessons therein are passed to current generations. Specifically, by bringing together artistic thought and merging it with the lives of the marginalised African slaves, Nicolás Guillén arguably succeeds in portraying the African legacy that people of African descent have in the Americas. Overall, it would appear that slaves, and the generations that came after them have succeeded in using literature as a means to preserve and pass on cultural aspects such as beliefs and values. As Chanady notes black literature is a celebration of the black culture (495). Conclusion From this research paper, it would appear that slaves in Latin America were able to create own culture, some which persist to date. From the evidence gathered, it would appear that music was the greatest cultural aspect that slaves were able to create their own unique traditions, based not only on their previous experiences before capture into slavery, but also as a way of handling the oppression and uncertain futures that they encountered in foreign land. Music was also a way of ridiculing their masters as well as communicating amongst themselves. The unique music instruments (e.g. drums) also became symbols that were unique to the slaves. Religious beliefs and rituals is also another cultural aspect that Africans were able to create. Most such beliefs and rituals can be traced to Africa, but some had undergone some modification as a result of Christianity’s influence on the slaves. As indicated in herein, some slaves would still profess Christianity just to appease their masters, while in reality they believed the Christian God to be less powerful compared to their traditional gods. In other cases, the slaves would relate the imagery provided in the Catholic religion with their traditional gods whom they had worshipped in Africa. Such practices were passed through generations, thus explaining why some religions such as the Vodun and Santeria still exist to date. Nationality and politics was also another way through which slaves were able to form their own culture. Arguing from a position of oppression, the slaves’ political thought was shaped by the need to be free and emancipated. The success of the political culture forged by slaves can be seen in countries like Haiti where after independence, the country leaders were of black ancestry, technically meaning that their parents, grandparents or great-grandparents were slaves. In some countries like Jamaica, the Rastafari tradition is based on political ideologies resisting oppression, dehumanisation and the prolonged suffering that people of African origin has had to endure, first as slaves, and later as subjects of colonial masters. As noted in this essay, the Rastafarian Culture believes Jamaica is a figurative Babylon or a place of captivity. Finally, the slaves created a culture based on black literature, which as indicated herein, was a form of expression, which was distinct from what was considered normal writing. In their writings, slaves and their descendants created references to history, which the current and future generations can still use. Overall, it is evident that much as the slaves were disconnected from their cultural roots in Africa, they were able to form and accumulate new meaning, traditions, norms and rituals among themselves as members of different slave societies. Works Cited Auguier, Angel and Joseph Bernstein. “The Cuban poetry of Nicolás Guillén.” Phylon 12 .1 (1951): 29-36. Chanady, Amaryll. “Mestizo Nations: Culture, Race and Conformity in Latin America Literature (Review).” MFS Modern Fiction Studies 50.2 (2004):495-496. Cruz, Shamil. “African Americans in the Caribbean and Latin America.” IPOAA Magazine. N.d. http://www.ipoaa.com/blacks_latin_america_etc.htm. 18 Oct. 2013. Hensel, Silke. “Africans in Spanish-America: Slavery, Freedom and Identities in the Colonial Era.” Indiana 24 (2007): 15-37. Joseph, Celucien L. “The Rhetoric of Suffering, Hope, and Redemption in Masters of the Dew: A Rhetorical and Politico-Theological Analysis of Manuel as Peasant-Messiah and Redeemer.” Theology Today 70.3 (2013): 323-350. King, Stephen, Barry Bays and Renee Foster. Reggae, Rastafari, and the Rhetoric of Social Control. Jackson: University of Mississippi, 2002. Print. Kirby, Diana Gonzalez and Sara Maria Sanchez. “Santeria: From Africa to Miami via Cuba; Five Hundred Years of Worship.” Tequesta. 48 (1988): 36-52. Lippy, Charles H., and Peter Williams W. “African Heritage in the Caribbean.” Encyclopaedia of the American Religious Experience. 1 (1988): 178-183. Patrick, Peter L. “Language, Faith and Healing in Jamaican Folk Culture.” Essex Research Reports In Linguistics 26 (1999): 1-38. Pollard, Velma. “Dread talk: the Speech of the Rastafarian in Jamaica.” Caribbean Quarterly. 26.4 (1980): 32-41. Restall, Mathew and Kris Lane. Latin America in Colonial Times, volume 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. Print. Riggio, Milla C. Culture in Action – The Trinidad Experience. NY: Routledge, 2004. Print. Rohlehr, Gordon. “Calypso Reinvents Itself.” Culture in Action – the Trinidad Experience. Ed. Milla Riggio. NY: Routledge, 2004. 213-238. Print. Schechner, Richard. “Carnival (theory) after Bakhtin.” Culture in Action – The Trinidad Experience. Ed. Milla Riggio. NY: Routledge, 2004. 3-11. Print. Schuler, Monica. “Myalism and the African Religious tradition in Jamaica.” Africa and the Caribbean: The Legacies of a Link. Ed. Margaret Crahan and Frank W. Knight. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1979. 11-32. Print. Solomon, Michael R. Consumer Behaviour: Buying, Having, and Being. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education Inc., 2007. Print. Sullivan, Megan. “African-American Music as Rebellion: From Slavesong to Hip-Hop.” Discoveries 2 (2001): 21-39. Read More