The Hunter-Gatherer Life of the Hadza in a Contemporary World - Case Study Example

Topic: The Hunter-Gatherer Life of the Hadza in a Contemporary World Introduction In the middle of Eastern rift valley that is located in the northern part of Tanzania, clusters of identical huts dot the vast plains. These structures form the humble dwellings of the Hadza people, a community whose population is estimated at around 1000 persons. From a casual observation, it is clear that the way of living of Hadza community differs remarkably from that of neighboring communities and the entire Tanzanian society. Despite the dynamic world surrounding the community, the Hadza have steadfastly held on to their way of life. They have remained one with nature, have not been affected by colonialism and they still survive through their indigenous means. This case study seeks to elucidate Hadza community that has remained impervious to changes in a world that is changing with unimagined pace. Background of Hadza According to Millett (p 34, 2001), the Hadza are hunters and gatherers inhabiting the eastern rift valley in the northern Tanzania in East Africa. Marlowe (p78, 2010) compared the community with Ju hoansi of Southern Africa, who later changed their life styles in the 1970’s to embrace emerging changes in the country. According to Marlowe (2010), both communities had almost similar tools and kits, hunted similar animals and gathered identical plants. In addition, they built similar dwelling structures and had the same family system (Marlowe p 89, 2010). The population of the Hadza has been on a gradual increase and currently, they are about 1000 people (Marlowe, 2010). The community lives around Lake Eyasi, which is a large and seasonal saline lake that dries up during dry season (Finkel, 2009). The entire Hadza population has not been entirely studied especially a quarter of the entire population that lives on the western part of the lake. The remaining population of the community is distributed across an approximately 2500 km2 of land on the eastern part of the lake (Finkel, 2009). Ndagala and Waane (pp 97-100, 1982) conducted a study on the Hadza community that lives on the eastern part of the lake to establish their interactions with each other, environment and communities around them. The researchers found that about half of them live entirely on hunting wild animals, digging wild tubers, collecting honey, fruits and berries from available trees. The remaining Hadza community members on the eastern part of the lake survive by foraging and engaging in other activities such as guarding maize farms of the neighboring communities from wild animals. In return, they are compensated with maize for their services and meat from the wild animals they kill in the farms. In addition, some Hadza work as farmhands on the neighboring European farms around Mangola environs and on rare occasions, some are engaged as game scouts for the wildlife department. The government mainly in community development sector employed some members of the community (Ndagala & Waane pp 100-103, 1982). Relationship with neighboring communities Hadza community has interacted with neighbors for long periods. Communities neighboring the Hadza are divided into three distinct groups namely Bantus from Isanzu ethnic group, Iraqw who are Cushites and Nilotic Datoga tribe. In addition, Hadza have been interacting with the Nilotic Maasai, Iramba and Sukuma who belong to Bantu speaking group (Marlowe p61 2010). Marlowe (2010) noted that Iraqw specialize in cultivation of maize and consequently they live in the highlands, which provide favorable climatic conditions for maize farming. The Datoga and the Maasai are mainly pastoralists and they have been interacting with the Hadza in barter trade and while grazing animals in Hadza regions (Marlowe, p87, 2010). The Ishanzu are perhaps the closest ethnic group that the Hadza have been interacting with for very long periods some times leading to intermarriages. In spite of their interactions with other communities such as the Maasai, Hadzabe language is authentic, with very few borrowed words. According to Ndagala and Waane (p 95, 1982), the Ishanzu practice mixed farming that involves keeping animals and cultivating crops at the same time. From time in memorial, Hadza have been trading with their neighbor a practice that continues up to date. The trade does not involve currency but they give out meat, honey, and animal skins and in return, they receive maize, millet, tobacco, clothes, scrap iron, beads and cooking pots from their neighbors. However, in spite of the interactions, the community has remained virtually unchanged but owing to their close associations with the Ishanzu, some Hadza are conversant with Ishanzu language (Ndagala & Waane, 1982). From these observations, it is apparent that some Hadza community members has been subjected to interactions from the wider society and in spite of these relations, a large proportion still remains true to their traditional mode of survival. The fact that almost all Hadza speak Swahili dialect fluently as a second language is an indicator of the growing external influence on the community. However, the local dialect Hadzane is not under threat of dying away because of Swahili influence though it borrows many words from the latter and other languages from the surrounding communities (Woodburn, p 39, 1970). According to Woodburn (1970), the history of Swahili, use by Hadza is recent, and by the time Swahili was introduced in the community in 1958, few Hadza were conversant with the language, but many knew Isanzu language, spoken by their southern Bantu neighbors. Marlowe (2010) has attributed the acquisition of Swahili the second language of Hadza to its use as the official language in Tanzania. Religious orientation of the Hadza has borrowed very little from the neighboring religions. According to Millett (p 19, 2001), their religious orientation is minimal and primitive, characterized by very few restrictions. Millett (2001) noted that they do not believe in life after death but taboos play a great role in their spiritual wellbeing. However, rituals play a significant role in their lives with the epeme dance being the most significant. According to Marlowe, (pp 72- 85, 2010), epeme dance takes place in camps full of adults at nights when there is no moon. The dance involves both men and women and it is characterized by singing and dancing in traditional costumes such as headdresses adorned with feathers, bells on legs, cape, shake and maraca. Mai-toh-ko is the other important ritual that exclusively involves teenage girls. During Mai-toh-ko ritual, girls assemble in camps dressed with beads and having their bodies smeared with animal fat. During the ritual, they interact with boys to demonstrate their fertility (Marlowe, pp87-95, 2010). Influence of colonialism and government policies on Hadza During colonial era, Tanzania was first a German colony and after the defeat of the Germans in Second World War, Britain took control of the country (Millett, p 41, 2001). The influence of colonialism on Hadza remained minimal and the community still maintains most of those traditions up to date. According to Millett (2001), the coming of German settlers did little to change their way of survival. For instance, they did not keep any domesticated animals including dogs and they were strict foragers. The spread of commercial farming practiced by colonialists introduced agriculture in their habitats. In spite of the foreign influx, Hadza maintained significant portions of their land, but rather than adapting to the new farming methods, they continued with their foraging ways (Millett, 2001). Perhaps the most significant influence by the British colonialists was settlement attempt in 1939 followed later by the Tanzanian government soon after independence. During the government settlement attempt in 1964-65, the community was forcefully relocated to Yaenda Chini in Mbulu district, and modern amenities including dispensaries and school built to cater for their needs (Ndagala & Waane, 1982). However, a year later, most Hadza had left the scheme and resumed to foraging. Similarly, attempts to promote agriculture in the community failed in mid 1970s. Colonialist also introduced formal education and Christianity in the community with very little success (Ndagala & Waane, 1982). Millett (2001) observes that persistent efforts by Christian missionaries to convert Hadza to Christianity have not succeeded either. Conclusion Hadza have remained largely unaffected by external influence from other communities. Their resistance to change in such a dynamic world continues to puzzle many researchers on human behavior. From the evolutionary point of view, Woodburn (1970) argues that all human beings were foragers before the beginning of civilization. However, many have since evolved in the face of modern developments, such as industrial revolution and information technology. Most researchers concur that necessity promotes change in any given society. However, Hadza have defied this school of thought. Their habitat has been discussed as a possible reason for their unchanging lifestyle. The region is dry, remote and largely unsuitable for crop farming and animal husbandry (Woodburn, 1970). Moreover, tse -tse fly infestation has discouraged pastoralists communities from settling in Hadza habitats. Furthermore, lack of well-developed infrastructure into their habitats such as roads has isolated the community further (Woodburn, 1970). This implies that the community has not been subjected to many changes to stimulate lifestyle change in the community. Tourism promises to be a major influence on the community and several members are engaged in the industry of making local products that are sold to the tourists. References Finkel, M. The Hadza National Geographic. December 2009. Retrieved on 2 November 2010 from Marlowe, F. The Hadza: Hunter-Gatherers of Tanzania. New York: University of California Press, 2010. Millett, K. The Hadza Tribe of Tanzania. Chicago: Harcourt Brace, 2001. Ndagala, D. & Waane, A. “The Effect of Research on the Hadzabe, a Hunting and Gathering Group of Tanzania”. Review of Ethnology, 8 (1982): 94-103. Woodburn, J. Hunters and Gatherers: The Material Culture of the Nomadic Hadza. London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1970. Read More