Classical Realism, Neo Liberalism and Constructivism - Essay Example

The strengths and weaknesses ical Realism, Neo Liberalism and Constructivism Introduction and ThesisThe theory of international relations entails a course of varied lines of thought explaining the context and processes in which international systems work. The course of each of the theories is evidently backed with evidence accordingly. In this evaluation, the desertion evaluates the theories of classical realism, neoliberalism and constructivism in relation to the international relations, evaluating their strengths and weaknesses. Consequently, the facilitation concludes in defining the most significant of the three theories. Classical Realism Two Strengths: Classical realism has the implication of reflecting the pessimistic aspect of human nature. However, it is not merely a cynical depiction of the politics as entailed in varied reasoning approaches (Dunne, Milja and Steve 59). Among the strengths entailed in Classical, Realism is that it recognizes the similarities between the domestic political sphere and the global political sphere (Dunne, Milja and Steve 60). Accentuating the similarities between domestic and international relations, as the significance function of ethics and the public in all fields. In this observation, the course of the classical realism reiterates the course for international relations accordingly towards achieving a common ground for development within the state as well as the global continuum (Dunne, Milja and Steve 61). The factors of resolution of violence and related conflicts is as a result of classical realism since it gives insight into , means of addressing challenges from an international perspective. Notably classical realism is responsible for the reduced conflicts as observed at the beginning of the 20th century. Additionally, Classical Realism concentrates on the nature human beings in the pursuit to elucidate the high rate of conflict and battle in global relations. Classical Realism ensures that diplomats have a reason, which they direct to the material concerns of the nation (Dunne, Milja and Steve 63). The illustration in this thought is the realization that a less powerful nation would not attack a better-equipped nation. For instance, in the western side, USA is too powerful compared to its neighbors, a factor that demonstrates the course for nations establishing individual power (Dunne, Milja and Steve 80). In this strength, it is observable that classical realism encourages the domestic autonomy from the civil society with the leadership expected to adopt the democratic rule in which it conforms to the will of the people. The system in effect makes the course for organizing the political system as the central power in running the democratic governance (Dunne, Milja and Steve 64). The stress on the ideological progress is evident compared to the course for the material gain of the state. These elements constitute core strengths of the theory. Two Weaknesses: Notably, its individual weakness in classical realism, is that while emphasizing the principle of power politics and the enduring features of the international systems, it fails to allow for the possibility of real change (Dunne, Milja and Steve 67). The realists are resistant to the possibility of introduction of elements that cause change, as they seek sustaining of the status quo. Realists accept that great powers rise and fall, and wars come and go, but insist that the basic rules of the game cannot be changed (Dunne, Milja and Steve 80). An illustration is the case as happened to the Nazi Germany and Napoleonic France (Dunne, Milja and Steve 81). The ideological progression reflects that the system realizes the significance of the interdependence and influence of related aspects such as global economy on the politics entailed. However, realists in following this establishment argue accordingly that the characteristics and behavior of the interactions are an attribute of the system and should remain unchanged even in the face of a shift in the paradigms of power. Moreover, the classical realism thought ignores or significantly downplays the degree to which states might have collective or mutual interests, and so underestimates the scope for cooperation and purposive change in inter- national relations (Dunne, Milja and Steve 71). In this aspect, it is notable that classical realism does recognize the forceful aspect of the nations to subscribe to international systems and global expectations in maintaining ethics and rights accordingly. However, the realists refute the extent of agreement in the collective interests that are alike among varied states (Dunne, Milja and Steve 72). The realists course follows that individual states may have like-mindedness, but not agree exclusively on the mutual interests to pursue. Neo-Liberalism: Two strengths: Neo-Liberalism believes in the international cooperation as a way to establishing the great global harmony, coupled with the collective responsibility entailed in security as a way to achieve this. The course in this context is that neoliberalism does identify that hegemonic actors are in effect searching for mutual interest alongside their partners (Dunne, Milja and Steve 115). For instance, following the Soviet Union collapse, the remaining nation to achieve sole great power and hence global hegemonic is USA (Dunne, Milja and Steve 97). China and Russia have to in effect act on the course for cooperation despite being remarkably powerful nations. In this effect, cooperation is of the essence since it factors the elemental construction of political guidelines that foster the achievement of the various interests (Dunne, Milja and Steve 161). Thus, the hegemonic actors in their cooperation bolster the realization of the international institutions with the same interest in world politics such including security and economic capacity among others (Dunne, Milja and Steve 161). Further, neoliberalism factors the aspect entailed in economic liberalism. This entails that the liberal perspective on world politics has and should have in minimal state intervention in people’s life (Dunne, Milja and Steve 117). In this forgoing establishment, the neoliberal belief establishes that the state ought not to interfere with the economic means of the people in its engagements and formulation of policies in the state as much as possible. They present the fundamental belief as not to pose the risk of infringing on human rights or interfere with the free market (Dunne, Milja and Steve 117). State activity should perform means that respect and facilitate progress in economic engagements for the individuals rather than posing interference with the markets. A country that is neoliberal in its effective action approaches the economy in measures that favor individual and private rights to the functioning markets. The country effectively encourages free trade in this effect. Two Weaknesses: Notably, Neo-Liberalism fails to tackle directly the issues of peace in institutions but concentrates on elucidating cooperation in the event that strategy welfare are not essentially posed. In this establishment, neoliberalism fosters aspects that entail the general cooperation of the hegemonic actors without noting the effect of this cooperation (Dunne, Milja and Steve 119). The formulation of institutions via the cooperating states does not necessarily imply the establishment of peace and goodwill among the states. For instance, in case study is illustration of the essence of the World Trade Organization (WTO), whose action facilitates international relations in economic perspective only (Dunne, Milja and Steve 126). As such, it fails in addressing the fundamental factor of the result of the cooperation among the hegemonic actors. This weakness reflects accordingly in the applicable world in varied case studies, such as the role entailed in United Nations treaties (Dunne, Milja and Steve 126). Members fail to address the course for the international peace among related member states that face conflicts. This course reflects the weakness in the neoliberal approach towards institutional cooperation. The individual states in the course of their national duty have a core responsibility to establishing national identity and superiority. In effect, the following observation is that neoliberalism fails to take into account that nations are constantly and repeatedly apprehensive on power, as well as security (Dunne, Milja and Steve 123). The effect is the illustration that nations formulate frameworks as happened before the cold war, where ITO formulation proved controversial as the nation’s sought economic power and security (Dunne, Milja and Steve 126). Such establishment is key as the state has to face its internal issues accordingly before engaging the international community. Consequently, the course to have international cooperation that effectively manages the various common interests among the collaborators, the state may fail to achieve its pursuit of power and security establishment (Dunne, Milja and Steve 124). Thus, the neoliberal line of thought is in effect defeated as observed in this factual observation of the theory. Constructivism Two strengths: The critical movements entailed in the course of challenging the international action and creating change from the status quo forms the thought entailed in constructivism. The idea of social construction suggests difference across context rather than a single objective reality (Dunne, Milja and Steve 188). The constructivism theory recognizes the evidential significance of debate into the social constructions that suggest the difference among the international actors, towards achieving objectivity in the various actions. Constructivists have sought to explain or understand change at the international level. In this effect, they follow the assumption that in international relations, anything thought can become and exists as change occurs within the international level. The international generalization that in effect assumes sameness of the various states in context brings the reflection of the adoption to focus (Dunne, Milja and Steve 190). For instance, after the Cold War aftermath, the significance of the transition from conflict to cooperation became evident and as such, constructionism focuses on establishing this change and transition from war to peace. The constructivist continue to reevaluate the position that social norms and rules hold in establishing the significance of liberal democratic establishments. Consequently, the constructivists continue to emphasize the social dimensions of international relations. Constructivists demonstrate the importance of norms, rules, and language at this level for identity (Dunne, Milja and Steve 189). For instance, the factors defining the identity of communist Yugoslavia were notably different from those formulating the conflicts in Serbia, Croatia and the Muslim ethnicities and norms (Dunne, Milja and Steve 197). This theory is successful in combining the analysis of how materialism and ideational factors combined accordingly in leading to the varied possibilities and outcomes regarding issues such as the Cold War. The constructivist argue accordingly that international politics is a shaping of the people doing, and as such, the social structure adopted can introduce greater agency and emphasis on the course of interaction in a meaningful world. This factor formulates a core strength of the theory. Two Weaknesses: Constructivism devalues the meaning of pragmatic threats, and transmits pessimism over any endeavors at simplifying, and considering culture conflict where incorporation is the pattern. The effective constructivists ideology on the social themes of change and interaction processes as a pint of emphasis reflects a concept on the need in generalizing across time, reality and rationalism (Dunne, Milja and Steve 190).The international relations are subject to cooperation leading to further conflicts in view of constructivist and as such, this is a core weakness of the theory. For instance, the USA deviated in its principles of international relations to address he security threat of terror entailed in Iraq as a response to the 9/11 attack (Dunne, Milja and Steve 202). Constructivism reflects an inter-subjective understanding among states that is far less under the control of states and has far more normative than material content. The structural constrain in understanding the legitimate behaviors create a case for rationalism and logic sequence in maximizing the interests of the individual units (Dunne, Milja and Steve 191). An illustration is the reason that USA, President Bush gave for invading the Middle East nations including Iraq and Afghanistan. The reasons entail the USA interest in oil and course to settle scores over the Gulf War and Saddam’s weapons of mass destruction (Dunne, Milja and Steve 197). These reasons illustrate the aspect of nations acting international while maximizing on interest for both material and political satisfaction as the theory outlines. Therefore, establishing institutional identity and commonality means the states ought to have an understanding of other related states a course which the states do not have control. Thus, this has far reaching negative implications in reflecting in the material establishment among the various states. Conclusion In reflection of the three varying theoretical conceptualizations, both classical realism and neo-liberalism hold a course reflecting the aspects entailed in international cooperation and the significance as international relations entail. However, constructivism holds the notion of an individualistic approach from the states in the international action stage. Therefore, reflecting on these strengths of each of the theory, it is evident that neo-liberalism is much applicable in a wide perspective. The various world formulations are calling for international peace and establishment of cooperation are entailed in neoliberalism, further, economic prosperity and stance of individual states and their members is assured in neo-liberal theory; therefore, these observations reflect accordingly the significant impact entailed n neoliberal theory. Work cited Dunne, Tim, MiljaKurki, and Steve Smith. International Relations Theories: Discipline and Diversity. Oxford [etc.: Oxford University Press, 2013. Print. Read More