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Quasi-Market Structures and Their Introduction to the Strength of Production and Programming in BBC - Coursework Example

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"Quasi-Market Structures and Their Introduction to the Strength of Production and Programming in BBC" paper takes into consideration a wide array of past scholarship and opinions on the matter and seek to provide the reader with a balanced interpretation of how the BBC was weakened by the changes…
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Quasi-Market Structures and Their Introduction to the Strength of Production and Programming in BBC
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Section/# An Analysis of Quasi Market Structures and Their Introduction and Ultimate Effect on the Quality and Strength of Production, Quality, and Programming in the BBC As with most decisions in life, there exist a handful of tradeoffs that must be accepted in order to proceed forward in a new direction. Such is precisely the case with reference to the way that the market structure reforms of the late 1980s and early 1990s took place within the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). As a function of better understanding how these market structures yielded their result, this brief analysis will consider the means by which the BBC operated before the reforms as well as the means by which it sought to operate afterwards. Further, the intended goals and desires that the reforms were enacted to effect will also be analyzed along with the level of realization that these goals had in actuality. Moreover, the analysis will seek to take into consideration a wide array of past scholarship and opinions on the matter and seek to provide the reader with a balanced interpretation of the means by which the BBC was ultimately weakened by the changes that were put into effect during the transitional period in question. Similar to an institution of government, the way in which the culture of the BBC had developed, grown, and solidified into something of a rigid system that was change averse meant that reforms were needed in order to coax what would be the new British Broadcasting Corporation into the twenty first century. However, as with any change dynamic, the methods by which the change was to be effected alongside the overall goals that were sought after did not coalesce with creating a higher quality of programming nor did it seek to change the BBC for the better; even though this was after all the desired intent. The reasons for this stem from the fact that a system of quotas were ordained and established with little to no forethought by leadership of exactly how such a system would translate into institutional strength and professionalism in broadcasting. Such an oversight has never been fully corrected and has meant that the BBC, although savoring in the victory of many a genius moment and continuing to be the standard bearer in journalism and broadcast media, is held back from meeting its true potential. Like many of the cost cutting mechanisms that take place upon the insistence of higher authority, the true implications of what the quasi market structure would effect on the end result of the quality of the programming was not fully considered. However, to the credit of those that sought to change key institutional factors within the BBC in order to produce a more streamlined and effective form of broadcasting, many of the ideas conceived were primarily good – at least upon cursory overview. At the heart of what those who were seeking to institute a level of change within the BBC were interested in was attempting to promote a level of market drive and dynamic changes which would see the BBC behave in a manner that would balance the semi-governmental with the private marketplace (Deakin et al 2009, p. 56). The upsurge in conservative thinking that abounded during the time under then leader Margaret Thatcher cannot be directly linked to the decisions made to transform the BBC; however, the influence and popularity of ideas such as hers with relation to the form and function of the market place and the minimalization of ever increasing burdens of government dependencies were all ideologies that were near their peak during this particular phase of British political history. In all actuality, the reforms were primarily meant as both a means to cut costs and as a means to spur competition, creative development, and spur on what was an otherwise very small and rather complacent private sector. However, as magnanimous and broad minded as these reforms may have seemed, the actual implementation of them meant that a production entity that had honed its skills for a period of over 50 years could no longer be fully relied upon as a means to continue to output the high quality of programming that so many within Britain had become accustomed. Instead, a type of quota was affixed which stated that only a certain percentage of programming could be produced in house and that the remaining 25% of all programmes must be bought from the independent production sectors (Stewart 2009, p. 449). As one might reasonably and logically expect, such a quota system, once it was adopted and established, had an immediate adverse effect on the way in which quality programming was delivered to the end consumer. Although the cost and economic development issues associated with such a directive have thus far been discussed and analyzed, there is one extremely important factor that has not; namely the factor that deals with the ultimate question of what the BBC was supposed to be, what it was supposed to represent, and what its ultimate charter meant with respect to piloting such a drastically new course for it. Prior to the reforms that have thus far been discussed, it was known and understood by both individuals working within the BBC, government officials, and individuals within the public that the goal of the service was to present quality programming aimed at pertinent issue focused items and subsidized by the government. What is unique about the reforms that took place was that it placed the BBC in a precarious position; between that of a publically funded entity and one that had to navigate the harsh realities of the marketplace. Although there is positively nothing wrong with either of these options, forcing the BBC to exist in a type of limbo between the two was what has created the greatest degree of issues for the BBC and the greatest drawbacks with relation to the level of programming they have been able to provide in the post reform era. Though such a directive at first seemed as a step in the right direction, encouraging the qualities of self reliance, free market enterprise, and a lessening of dependence upon the taxpayer/British citizen, what transpired was a key and systemic weakening of the quality and public service abilities that the BBC was able to represent. Interestingly, although one of the key goals that the quota was supposed to engender had to do with developing the private potential for programming and broadcasting development, the immediate effect that it had was the layoff and reduction in BBC staffmembers that had formerly been tasked with assisting in every aspect of production for the many shows that the BBC engaged with. In effect what the reforms ultimately did was weaken the level of the programming while at the same time reducing the formerly well trained staff that had previously churned out such a high standard of work for the Corporation (Deakin et al 2000, p. 321). Although this was not the desired intent, it was nonetheless one of the many externalities that existed as a result of the reforms and reorganization. It is of course important to note that although it is simple to blame the new structure and the reforms for some of the shortcomings that the BBC has experienced in the reduction of quality that their programmes experienced, at least some level of blame for this can and should be accepted by the individuals within the structure at BBC who resisted the change at nearly every step. Although it is common for resistane to be systemic anytime broad and sweeping change mechanisms are sweeping an organization, the level to which many individuals within BBC systematically rejeceted the change that was being promoted within the corporation and sought to actively return to what was before meant that any net positives that could have been realized as a function of this change were necessarily delayed and or not realized at all. Out of this culture of change resistance combined with the reforms that have previously been noted was born a type of new entity that has abided by the letter of the reforms but only as a means of compliance. As such, a type of third way was sought after by the shareholders within the corporation but with little to no avail. In this way, competition which is and was ultimately based upon the externalization of means of production was meant as a way to maintain quality while at the same time providing systemic and meaningful change to the way that programming and broadcasting was engaged upon within the structure of the BBC. Although the original intent was to foster a very close level of cooperation between the supplier and the consumer (in this particular case the BBC), a sense of competition was created instead as well as a pervasive feeling of contempt for the quality and the level of the product that these “private” entities were putting out and expecting to receive BBC’s stamp of approval. This in and of itself created yet another issue as quality control departments that were used to a much higher caliber of programming were dissatisfied with the level of output they were receiving. This factor, along with the others that have thus far been listed, helped to drive an ever widening gulf of separation between the reform’s stated goals and reality. In conclusion, what the reader/researcher can rapidly see is that although many of the reforms that were intended to be carried out had at their core a logical end towards which programming at the BBC could and should strive as a function of increasing quality, quite the opposite was oftentimes the result. Furthermore, delineating a reasonable and rational boundary between regulating a governmental entity such as the BBC towards being both public and private in its interaction with the market place confused the missions, goals, and staff of the entity and no doubt reduced its institutional effectiveness in providing the high quality of programming that it was capable of. Yet, prior to concluding, it should be highlighted and underscored that although many of these changes have helped to weaken the institutional effectiveness of the BBC in the intervening years since these reforms were enacted, there continues to be a core mission and dedication to professionalism, broadcast exceptionalism, and hard work which continues to ensure that the BBC has retained much of the core strengths that have helped to set it apart for so many years as a true market leader in broadcast journalism and other forms of media content. Rather than stating that the reforms that have herein been discussed have effectively nullified the manner in which the BBC could engage with its audience, it is the belief of this author that they have merely dulled the possibilities that could have otherwise been realized. References Deakin, S, Lourenço, A, & Pratten, S 2009, No "third way" for economic organization? Networks and quasi-markets in broadcasting, Industrial & Corporate Change, 18, 1, pp. 51-75, Business Source Premier, EBSCOhost, viewed 16 January 2013. Deakin, S, & Pratten, S 2000, Quasi Markets, Transaction Costs, and Trust: The Uncertain Effects of Market Reforms in British Television Production, Television & New Media, 1, 3, p. 321, Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost, viewed 16 January 2013. Stewart, M 2009, Uncertain vision: Birt, Dyke and the reinvention of the BBC – By Georgina Born, Journal Of The Royal Anthropological Institute, 15, 2, pp. 448-450, Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost, viewed 16 January 2013. Read More
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