The Subarctic: Pre-contact Life Ways, Change During Contact, and Colonialism - Research Paper Example

 Self Reflection Paper: The Subarctic: Pre-contact Life Ways, Change During Contact, And Colonialism Introduction I remember as a young kid my mother used to take me to cultural events in which Native Indians clad in feathers and blankets displayed their lifestyles, and what really struck me was how they tried to communicate with the spirit world through their songs and dances. For me it was more enjoyable to envisage that I was an Indian since they appeared as unique beings of imagination based on what I had learned earlier from school about them. One of the most unique groupings of the Native American Indians, are the North American Subarctic Indians, especially due to their mobile existence. In particular, their temporary shelters which are constructed from skin covers and barks and which are warmed and lit by just a solitary fire. Thus, the aim of this self-reflection paper is to describe the subarctic culture areas of North America, in terms of their pre-contact life ways, changes during contact and colonialism. Discussion Knowledge of pre-contact way of life of Subarctic Native Americans is particularly important, since it would help to explain how contemporary Subarctic Indians, particularly Chipewyan nomadic hunters occupy a vast but slightly populated territory. The subarctic region covers the northern zone of boreal coniferous-forests which broadens from arctic tundra, towards the mountains and deciduous forest across the south, and then from Labrador towards Bering Sea (Oswalt, 2002). Majority of these regions are in the Canadian Shield, the Hudson Bay area, as well as Mackenzie River plains (Oswalt, 2002). The region is basically filled with numerous lakes, rivers, and mountain ranges. Even though the winters are harsh and lasting for longer periods, forest covers together with snow offers shelter for the inhabitants and the wild animals. Thus, the Chipewyan hunters belonging to Athapaskans resided in the northern section of Lake Athabasca, before migrating to the periphery of barren fields when pursuing caribou herds. The Subarctic population numbers before contact and colonialism were certainly bigger, and Oswalt asserts that the introduction of European diseases like smallpox, wars and displacement lowered the population to no more than 60 000 people (2002). The Chipewyan were for the most part animist as their religious viewpoints were founded on the notion of power acquired from animal spirits and the lands through dreams and visions. They had supernatural leaders referred to as Shamans or healers, and the powers possessed by such individuals were believed to have helped in curing ailments and diseases. They also had finders of big games, who used supernatural powers to control animals and numerous other natural phenomena during hunting and setting up of traps (Oswalt, 2002). For my part, I find all this bizarre based on my scientific belief in medicine, especially by the explanation that Chipewyan sorcerers managed to cure illnesses, by simply performing Shaman songs and dances in order to summon the spirits. Nevertheless, given that they believed that illness was an outcome of hostile act from non-Chipewyan spirits, such acts were meant to summon the sorcerers ‘spirit helpers, and success depended on whether the spirit helpers’ powers surpassed those that resulted in the particular illness. To them, death implied an outcome of hostile sorcerers’ success apart from those who died due to effects arising from old age. Moreover, the Chipewyan strong belief in animal life affirmed their conviction of reincarnation and come back of the deceased as wolves with mystical powers. Hence, hunting bands abandoned their region after the death of their member even as they left the deceased body unburied (Oswalt, 2002). What I have learned about the subarctic communities that i did not know before was that in their fishing, hunting and trapping camps, they built un-chinked smokehouses which looked like roughly assembled log cabins. This was an ingenious way of protecting themselves from cold winter, especially by leaving hairs on top of hide coverings of the portable but conical/domed tents. Those dwelling in the Eastern Subarctic regions sheltered from winter inside their conical log houses, which were chinked using moss a blending of dirt with snow (Oswalt, 2002). While the Alaskan groups constructed rectangular pit-shelters which were greatly banked using turf in an attempt to endure cold, those groups from Far South constructed pit structures. I was surprised to learn that Chipewyan bands did not have chiefs prior to European contact, and individuals aligned themselves with people who displayed leadership or assumed duties for precise functions like trading, and communal hunting. Hence, authority did not extend beyond such functions. Moreover, the Chipewyan had hunting groups which comprised at least two related families, and which coalesced with other comparable groups to create a larger regional band. That is why they had limited and non-coercive central leadership structure, as authority was based on individual abilities, acumen and generosity. Spiritual authority was acquired in dreams or visions. One band hardly ever had restricted access to their territory, because there was emphasis on communal hunting resources. As such, sharing resources instead of amassing of wealth among individuals and communities offered communal insurance against natural instabilities (Oswalt, 2002). Something that really changed my opinion about the subarctic communities in general, and which is something I attribute to Native American movies, was that individuals were valued for the value they bestowed on individual autonomy and suppleness of social arrangement. I believe that it is such beliefs that enabled them to react to challenges and restrictions of their surroundings. For instance, matrilineal kinship linkages existed between Pacific watercourse Athapaskans, while those dwelling in Mackenzie watercourse were related through bilateral links (Oswalt, 2002). Also, the Algonquian speakers were associated with bilateral and even patri-lineal bonds. However, the bands in the west of Mackenzie River organized themselves into clans or dual divisions, and whose goal was to principally ensure defense to clan members and realization of ceremonial obligations like cremation of dead and marriage. Thus, the first marriage between two different bands was organized by the parents, and the girl was betrothed during childhood. However, they mostly preferred patri-lateral inter-cousins marriages, so as to enhance the already built bonds. Polygyny of sororal form was allowed and this was common among band leaders or skilled hunters. Even though divorce was allowed it seems that it was seldom exercised even amongst contemporary Chipewyan communities (Oswalt, 2002). It was also remarkable to learn that their material culture was some sort of expression of artistic predilections. Thus, even though decorative or ornamented products were crafted for various purposes, they paid little attention to artifacts contrary to what I believed about Native Indians. Maybe this could be due to their high mobility lifestyle and the rough terrain which made it hard to transport such stuff. They had integrated arts into other life facets, notable through Chipewyan oral performances like myths, legends and songs. However, drama was not fully developed and material expression was largely common among the females, in terms of decoration of dyed porcupine-quills which displayed practical objects (Oswalt, 2002). This made an interesting ornamental blueprint especially when worn with dentalium plus beads derived from seeds, and which later during post-contact with Europeans were derived from glass and trade beads. Moreover, their clothing was rather distinct, principally the V-tailed slipovers and the caribou-skin tunics. The men designed snowshoes, and toboggans which were essential for extensive winter travel. They transported heavy loads using the toboggans while sleds pulled by dogs were mostly used in the far northwest. But, during summer they mostly used canoes for transportation on the innumerable number of rivers and lakes (Oswalt, 2002). In terms of socio-territorial activities, I was certainly surprised to find out that they did not practice farming until after the European contact. Their livelihood was based on hunting and gathering, especially hunting on the migratory packs comprising the Barren-Ground caribous. Other mammals that were hunted included Dall-sheep, rabbit, wolverine, muskrat, marmot and moose. Fishes such as whitefish, suckers, and pike were obtained from Arctic watercourse, while the salmons were acquired from Pacific. Their hunting implements comprised bows and various forms of arrows, and which were aided by an assortment of resourceful traps, deadfalls, and snares especially in sending the caribou to the drift fence. The fish were caught using a dip, gill nets, spears, as well as hooks (Oswalt, 2002). The Chipewyans trailed the caribou parks every spring from northern forests to the barren lands. Given that their food expedition required mobility, they traversed larger areas when following caribou packs, and as such, hunting was based on ones knowledge of hunted animals’ behavior. They consumed the meat fresh while the rest was frozen for future use. The light and easily stored caribou skin provided the essential resources for shelter, clothing, together with bedding and was the raw material for their numerous hunting tools and equipments. Hunting skills were acquired through listening extensive periods of practical narrative descriptions, mythological accounts, or through the rehearsal of special ensnaring and hunting songs plus riddles. They believed children can acquire hunting powers through vision expeditions by animal helpers or natural spirits (Oswalt, 2002). I find it noteworthy that they consider the prelude to the contact between their communities and Europeans as a legend. The legend points out that a Chipewyan female slave known as Thanadelthur, working for Hudson’s Bay Company guided the Europeans to Chipewyan territory. This resulted in the creation of the company outpost at Churchill in 1717, and referred to as Prince of Wales Fort, whereby the Chipewyan acted as intermediaries between the Europeans and the other subarctic tribes (Oswalt, 2002). The fort centered on fur trade and this facilitated trading contacts with Northern Athapaskans tribes and Chipewyan Southern neighbors, referred to as Cree. The Cree and Chipewyan were enemies before the European contacts and peaceful relations between them were only established in 1716 and the other in 1760. The spreading out in fur trade saw some of the traders seeking to set up chiefs with substantial powers, so as to have superior control of subarctic populations. Even as the fur trade extended westwards to Great Slave Lake during, then the Chipewyan briefly inhabited the Yellowknife community, thus displacing the Dogrib populace before they strike back in 1823 (Oswalt, 2002). I believe that the expansion of fur trade saw the Chipewyan focusing more on material culture, especially from functional and disposable products. That is why they quickly became reliant on trading guns, knives, and axes, and consequently, they on and off conquered the other groups like Cree, in order to control their trading routes. Even though Oswalt (2002) attributes this to their change from hunting and trapping to harvesting of food, as something that was introduced by Europeans, I hold the view that the need to profit from the ever increasing European markets pushed them into this new activities, especially since the bands migrated to trading posts with the objective of controlling the people and the posts. The contact created permanent trading post that is why a number of Chipewyan settled during instead of constantly moving, as the bi-local or in some cases neo-local dwelling patterns became widespread. Post-contact population especially from 1749 to 1850 reduced considerably due to diseases, and increased migration arising from the shifts in animals and the other hunted creatures populations and circulation. Epidemics of newly introduced diseases, like smallpox epidemic of 1781 to 1782 destroyed most of their population (Oswalt, 2002). However, the Chipewyan expanded their hunting expedition inside the Full Boreal Forest, before extending south and northern periphery of parkland whereby they tracked the bison. Hence, most of the settlements they currently occupy were started during the 19th century, and this land comprised northern sections of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Southern North West territories and Alberta (Oswalt, 2002). Town life also became part of their settlement pattern due to trading posts. Christianization also spread after the contact with Europeans, however, residential missionaries managed to convert many Chipewyan populations after World War II. The Chipewyan took on Christian religious rites such as weddings, secular observances like Treaty Day. I hold the view that it was not just Christianity that altered most of their traditional practices, but the sedentization together with acculturation that really destabilized their post-contact traditional pattern, and which focused more on meeting the requirements of a nuclear family than the bands. During the beginning of 20th century those men who continued hunting and trapping left their families to hunt solo or in their small groups (Oswalt, 2002). The beguiling portrait of Subarctic Indians as animist also began to disappear, even as sorcerers, Shamans ceremonies became uncommon due to the spread of Roman Catholic Christianity. Also, practices common in pre-contact marriages whereby the married couple stayed with the bride family unit pending the birth of first child started to diminish. Additionally, before colonialism property of those who died during pre-contact was destroyed due to belief in reincarnation, but post contact practices allowed inheritance and division of deceased property among the survivors. In terms of clothing they later introduced the Naskapi Coat which reflected the impact of European textiles. But they still wore shirts, leggings and robes made from the squashy tanned hides, in which the hair was scrapped after treatment using the killed animal brain. They also continued to wear the soft but heel-less shoes referred to as moccasins (Oswalt, 2002). Furthermore, their music extended in wideness and depth, since they took on more European status. When the fur trade started to stabilize during the colonial period, leadership increasingly centered on control of supernatural power. During colonialism and post colonialism they organized themselves politically, so as to fight for self-autonomy. Tribal entities became more common and were bounded by a common language, rituals, commerce, and safeguarding of common homeland later manifested through formal institutions due self autonomy status granted from national government. Thus, the extended families became increasingly connected through kinship or friendship ties that were based on trust and exploitation of resources and trade areas. The huge development of tar sands, massive Oil and gas exploration initiatives resulted in environmental disasters which severely impacted their traditional hunting, trapping and fishing areas. Hence, others shifted to town life and jobs within the local industries or formal employment. Conclusion This self-reflection paper on the subarctic communities has evaluated their way of life from pre contact, post contact and colonialism. Due to the harsh winter climatic conditions the subarctic communities’ revered natural, and the communities emphasized on spirituality, cooperation, allotment, and admiration for environment. Most adult males and females participated in verdicts which impacted their bands. During contact and colonialism, they changed to some extent from being mobile to settling in trading posts, and this saw them combining some aspects of their culture with some of the Europeans cultural elements, like Christianity with Shaman spiritual beliefs. Their populations certainly dwindled during colonialism, due to spread of illnesses and displacements arising from Europeans emancipation. The paper has also shown how they underwent federal policies which were meant to force them to alter their cultures into European lines. In contemporary, especially post World War II period, massive resource developments within their areas and settlement development across the North destroyed most of their traditional economy, especially hunting and trapping due to environmental population and displacement. What I have learned from the study of Subarctic communities history is that, in order to understand why they are fighting for the federal governments to acknowledge their land claims and to defend their culture including the language there has to be an understanding of their traditional setup and way of life, so as to understand their quest for reestablishment. Reference Oswalt, W. H. (2002). This Land Was Theirs:A Study of Native Americans (7 ed.). McGraw-Hill/Mayfield. Read More