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Hong Kong's Identity on the Global Stage - Report Example

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This report "Hong Kong’s Identity on the Global Stage" presents Hong Kong’s filmmaking industry. Prior to the British colonization, Hong Kong and the Chinese interacted politically, economically, and culturally. Decolonization triggered the study of Hong Kong culture in the last two decades…
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Hong Kongs Identity on the Global Stage
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Hong Kong’s Identity on the Global Stage Introduction The Metropolitan of Hong Kong is one of the most famous cities in the world. This reputation is largely accrued to its vast array of infamous Martial arts movies, such as The Touch of Zen in 1978, The Way of the Dragon that was released in 1972 and the Rumble in the Box in1996. The city is home to some of the most renowned actors, for example, Jackie Chan and Bruce Lee. The growth and development of its filmmaking industry particularly the change attributed to the city’s return to Chinese Sovereignty in 1997, has sparked researchers interest in an attempt to comprehend Hong Kong’s struggle with National Identity. The complex history and interactions with the Chinese largely influenced the development of Hong Kong’s film making industry. Prior to the British colonization, Hong Kong and the Chinese interacted politically, economically and culturally. Pang observes that the decolonization that occurred in 1997triggered the study of Hong Kong culture in the last two decades (2007:413). The study largely focussed on the pursuit of Hong Kong’s identity. Consequentially, the cinema industry produced a number of movies in an attempt to portray the cultural identity of its people. In the 1900s, film producers and directors travelled to Shanghai to produce Chinese films. However, the wake of World War II saw the Japanese attack on Shanghai. Inevitably, most cinema companies relocated to Hong Kong (Fu & Desser 2002:1). Hong Kong cinema in the colonial era was rooted in its local cultural tradition. Fu & Desser explain that during the colonial era, the filmmaking industry was a major centre for dialect films majorly Cantolese language (2002:1). The Cantolese-speaking films appealed to a majority of Cantolese speakers along the Southern Coast of China, Vietnam, Philippine’s, Singapore and Americas (Fu & Desser 2002:1). The closure of the Chinese filmmaking industry led to the relocation of companies from Shanghai to Hong Kong. Inevitably, the production of Mandarin-speaking films enhanced the business competition, cultural conflict and artistic interflow between the two groups. This conflict facilitated the development of a rich and complex tradition in Hong Kong cinema (Fu & Desser 2002:2). Nationalization and globalization rapidly depleted the cultural and local identity that was characteristic of the cinema industry. Pang observes that Hong Kong’s post-colonialization is characterized by the confrontation of the two paradigms of nationalization and global capitalism (Pang 2007:414). Post-colonialism is majorly accompanied by the process of nation building. On the other hand, global capitalism tends to make national boundaries diffuse and enhances global competition. Due to post-colonialization, the Cantolese production dwindled to virtually nothing in 1972(Fu & Desser 2002:7). Moreover, globalization enabled the cinema industry to achieve international recognition. According to Pang, Hong Kong cinema in the last ten years has been trapped precisely in this dynamics where the national and the global clash, in that Hong Kong’s embrace of capitalist globalism is conditioned by the city’s ‘rediscovery’ of the China national market, which had been unavailable to Hong Kong cinema since 1949(Pang 2007:414). “Chineseness” in the Post-Colonial Era In 1997, Hong Kong became a special administrative region to China. The unique case anomaly that is characteristic of the post-colonial era is evident in some of the films produced at this time. Hilary explains that the new, peoples republic of China embraced a one country two-systems principle that purposed to merge regional economic integration between Mainland China and Hong Kong (2012:298).The implementation of CEPA (Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement) in 2003 ensured co-produced films were treated as domestic products in the Mainland market and were exempted from the import quota (Hilary 2012:298). This new policy enhanced changes in the Hong Kong film industry where mainland oriented films relatively progressed in comparison to the comparatively small proportion of local products that emphasized Hong Kong specificity(Hilary 2012:298). Consequentially, some of the films were neither set in China nor Hong Kong but in the Chinese Diaspora. Films such as Exile (2005) and Prince of Tears (2009) were set in Macao and Taiwan. The economic collaboration and ideological divergence between Hong Kong and PWC (People’s Republic of China), changed the filmmaking industry. Focus shifted from the small market of Hong Kong to the integration of the region into the Republic of China. Chu states that the relationship between China, Hong Kong and Britain enabled Hong Kong’s filmmaking industry to function as part of the Chinese National cinema in the 1st half of the 20th century, Chinese diasporic cinema in the mid-1950s to the late 1970s and as Hong Kong’s quasi-national cinema from the late 1970s(Chu 134). Consequentially, film producers began to question the identity of Hong Kong in the midst of its relationship with the two powers and its future in the film industry (Fu & Desser 2002:10). The issue of “Chineseness” resulted in the need for affirmation of Hong Kong’s status in terms of culture. This challenge resulted in the creation of movies that purposed to affirm Hong Kong’s status as a prolific production centre for Chinese Diaspora culture (Hilary 298). Moreover, Hong Kong films became an illustration of diasporic “Chineseness” that was dubbed “To be Chinese in his own way” outside mainland China (Hilary 298). Hilary states that “Hong Kong’s Chineseness does not refer to a particular Chineseness that struggles with its origin, that is, mainland China. Rather, Hong Kong’s Chineseness displaces it in its own specific ways” (2012:300). Consequentially, the theme and plot of the films changed to incorporation fictional works that majorly portrayed the lives of Chinese Diasporas. Some films also illustrated the producer’s perception of Chineseness. One particular example is the movie, Happy Together that portrays hope for a new beginning after 1997 (Fu & Desser 2002:10). Contrary to Hilary’s belief, Chu contends that Hong Kong’s cinema gradually modified in light of decolonization. Inevitably, the difference in identity between the two nationalities became less distinct (Chu 2003). Independent Filmmaking Industries The post colonization era symbolized the emergence of independent filmmaking in Hong Kong. The relationship between Britain and Hong Kong contributed to the radical thinking of the prevalent society. Cheung notes that despite the fact that this descriptive style of writing existed prior to 1997, it was only after decolonization that independent filmmaking made the global scene (2009:3). One particular example is the movie; Made in Hong Kong by Fruit Chan. The film is set in 1997 and is based on a youngster by the name Autumn Moon (Chung Chau) from Hong Kong. In the movie, the protagonists are marginalized by the Mainstream society and face a series of challenges due to their background. The protagonist comes from the lower class of Hong Kong’s society. Consequentially, the youths struggle with identity (Cheung 2009:2). The movie by Fruit Chan described the complex identity issue that challenged the Hong Kong society. Fruit Chan illustrates the harsh life experienced by the lower-class inhabitants in Hong Kong and the challenges arising from the decolonization. Lee observes that the rise of independent film in Hong Kong is vastly due to the colonial de-politicization of art and culture and a laissez faire economy that defined the conditions of possibility for an independent film culture (2012:8). This genre of independent film does not quite mesh with the established notions of ‘independent cinema’ in other parts of the world. One of the characteristics accrued to independent film is the construction and deconstruction of history and memory (Lee 2012:8). In the movie, Made in Hong Kong, the producer uses the death of the youngsters to symbolize the end of British colonization (Cheung 2009:2). Through the movie, Chan constructed the city’s identity crises and the need for re-making. Independent cinema offers an alternative space for critical imagination and rethinking of the colonial/national complex (Lee 2012:19). This is beneficial because it enables producers to communicate the cultural horizon of the society to a politically conscious people, through the use of imagery and history. Fu and Desser observe that Hong Kong filmmaking industry has adopted deceptive complexities that have made it financially successful and effective in communicating with the politically conscious society (2003:9). One particular theory on Fruit Chan’s movie observes that in the movie, the protagonist is left without a parent to support him. Autumn Moon’s father is irresponsible and his mother is neither courageous nor enduring (Fu & Desser 2003:1). This plot illustrates the feeling of abandonment that was characteristic of the Hong Kong society (Cheung 2009:12). The film’s plot portrays the city as being devoid of a father. Consequentially, the feelings of loneliness resulted from the protagonists’ marginalization. Chuang observes that, this plot portrayed the issues of Nationalism and decolonization that were prevalent in the society. Change in Target Audience and Funding The rapid downsizing of the local market resulted in changes in filmmaking. Producers no longer focused on producing Cantolese or Mandarin-speaking films. One particular example is the film Gen-X Cops, directed by Benny Chan, 1999(Pang 2007:414). The movie is a Japanese co-production that features characters that are able to speak fluent Japanese and English. The production of such movies was as a result of the North American markets that had a particular interest for action or Kung Fu movies. A new market was also established among the larger Far East population. The movies such as A Battle of Wits, directed by Jacob Cheung, 2006, were produced for the Far East population. The movie consists of a traditional Chinese story that based on a Japanese manga, starring Hong Kong, Mainland, and Korean actors. Moreover, interactions between Hong Kong cinema and Thai cinema have also intensified. This is shown in the films of the Pang Brothers and Peter Chan, who both have strong personal Thai connections (Pang 2007:414). The sources of funding also changed after the 1997 decolonization. Earlier, a majority of producers obtained funding from the government and Hong Kong business tycoons, such as, Sir Robert Ho Tung. After de-colonization, Hong Kong industry consisted of multiple sources of investment and markets (Pang 2007:416). Currently, established filmmakers and producers are particularly capable of seeking funding from a variety of sources. The producer, Peter Chan for example, has an elaborate financial network in Thailand, South Korea, and Japan to support the works produced by his studio, Applause Pictures(Pang 2007:414). The works of Stanley Kwan are sufficiently funded by investors from Japan and China. The producer Jacob Cheung was also able to secure financial support from Japan, Korea, and China for the A Battle of Wits movie (Pang 2007:415). The Issue of Censorship Hong Kong films are a result of economic collaboration and the ideological divergence between Hong Kong and PRC. In the films Father Son (1981) and the Song of the Exile (1990), the two movies portray the importance of mainland China as a source of funding, product location and potential market (Zhang 101). Hilary observes that the multiple versions for different overseas markets have been a long-tested survival tactic in Hong Kong film history (2010:2). The nationalism of Hong Kong resulted in a set of new challenges to the film industry. Regardless of the unification of the two regions, most people from the Chinese mainland viewed Hong Kong films as foreign. The film industry had to compete with movies from Hollywood for the mainland market. The 1998 Asia Financial Crises further fuelled the need to grasp the Chinese mainland market. Hilary observes that Hong Kong movies were making losses due to the financial crises (2010:4). This challenge diverted the attention of Hong Kong film makers to Mainland China. During this time, the movies produced contained intense violence, sex, supernatural and political ideologies. CEPA controlled the genre of films accessible to the Mainland market. As a result of the censorship issue, Hong Kong film producers opted to create two versions of the same movie in order to cater to the varying needs of the market. One particular example is The Inescapable Snare (2004). Hilary observes that this movie is a very cost-effective repackaging of a 2003 Hong Kong film dubbed Naked Ambition (2003)(2010:4). The original movie was censored by CEPA due to contents of nudity and obscenity. Inevitably, the Hong Kong studio ingeniously remade this movie into a normative Mainland-Hong Kong co-production. The original content consisting of a rag to riches story of ‘porn kings’ was ‘whitewashed’ into an educating morality tale on how Hong Kong police, together with Mainland Public Security Ministry, crack down on pornographic publications and prostitutions(Hilary 2014:4). Censorship contributed to the emergence of a new type of technique in film production. Hilary labels this new technique as surgical procedures carried out on the original art. The technique entailed procedures such as the overall detoxification of nudity, sex, violence and politically sensitive contents so as to appeal to the mainland market. The theme of several movies underwent minor “skin uplifting” where good gets rewarded and bad never ends up well so as to appeal to the ideologies of the mainland. Also, religious, political and supernaturally sensitive content was deliberately cut out so as to adhere to the moral values of the Mainland (Hilary 2010:5). These arbitrary ‘cosmetic surgeries’ channelled the success Hong Kong films in the Mainland as they provided a shortcut to the Mainland screens. New wave Films in Hong Kong Nationalism and Globalism facilitated the rise of a new wave of cinema from Hong Kong. The art in the film industry gradually changed in retrospect to the new market audience. The political, social and economic developments facilitated in the rise of new, young and visible auteurs particularly producers, screenwriters and actors. One particular change in genre involved the adoption of martial arts action. The international success of Japanese samurai in the 1960s facilitated the growth of Martial arts films (Zhang 97). The popularity of Bruce Lee movies in 1973 also resulted in the Kung Fu craze that led to the dominance of Martial arts films in the commercial market (Fu & Desser 2003:19). Fu & Desser observe that the American market was thrilled with Bruce Lee exploits in the film industry. Consequentially, Hong Kong began to experience a rise in Martial Arts film makers and other artists such as Jackie Chan. This new film production contributed to the development of Hong Kong cinema in the international scene. Blockbusters and Action films dominated the Chinese and International market. Pang accounts that in 1992, the domestic box office of Hong Kong films reached USD158m, while in 2006 the annual receipts of local films in Hong Kong dropped to USD36m(Pang 2007:414). This trend is largely accrued to the emergence of Blockbusters and Action films such as A Battle of Wits (2006). Pang argues that the production of Hong Kong-Mainland co-produced major films such as Heroes (2002), House of Flying Daggers (2004), and The Promise (2005) is due to the projection that China will quickly grow into a major film consumption market(Pang 2007:415). Moreover,the profits accrued to action films and Bruce Lee’s rise to stardom sparked the consistent production of martial arts films. This films inevitable became characteristic of Hong Kong filming and gradually contributed to the gradual decline in the international performance of Hong Kong’s film industry(Fu & Desser 2003:20). The developments that progressed after 1997 contributed to the accessibility of technologically advanced equipment. Beller argues that the formations of techno- corporeal interface, created an environment where “cinema” is no longer properly itself, but rather a new way of thinking about vast networks of inter-mediation for the purpose of expressing the modes of politicization necessary to counter the society of control (Beller 2011:282). In the film, House of Flying Daggers (2003), Beller observes that the producer uses a female by the name of Mei (Ziyi Zhang). The female protagonist is depicted as a warrior for a secret organization that opposes the (Tang) government. The protagonist later feigns blindness and hides incognito as a dancer in a brothel. In one particular scene Mei finds herself in a life threatening situation. Through the use of her body in a complex system of acrobatic dance moves that incorporate choreography, musicality, and grace Mei’s miraculous is able to save herself the pending threat(Beller 2011:283). Beller observes a shift in film production in this unique genre. Moreover, through this particular movie, the incorporation of masculinity of female protagonists is evident. The protagonist in martial arts films is no longer male. Through the use of digital and computerized effects, women are portrayed as militants or fighters with the ability to defend themselves or the society (Beller 2011:283). In conclusion, prior to 1997, the filmmaking industry was culturally rooted in its Cantolese speaking market. However, after the decolonization of 1997, the issue of globalization and nationalization changed the filmmaking industry. The people in Hong Kong found themselves struggling with issues of identity due to their interaction with the British and the relationship they had with China Mainland. The filmmaking industry became exposed to the Chinese and American market amongst others. This new opportunity coupled with the issue of identity resulted in changes in the themes, language, art and plot of the films produced. Filmmakers focused on the use of imagery and latest technologies so as to create films that appeal to the Chinese market and the rest of the world. Currently, the industry is experiencing major loses particularly in its local market. Moreover, the city is still struggling with its cultural identity. However, some scholars believe that through innovation, the Hong Kong filmmaking industry will be able to survive its current challenges. References Beller, J. (2011) The Martial Art of Cinema: Modes of Virtuosity à la Hong Kong and the Philippines, Positions: East Asia Cultures Critique, vol. 2, p. 281, Project MUSE, EBSCOhost, viewed 30 April 2015 Cheung, E.K. (2009) Fruit Chans made in Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press, eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost, viewed 29 April 2015. Fu, P. & Desser, D. (2003) The Cinema of Hong Kong: history, arts, identity, Routledge USA Hilary. H.H. (2012) "Chineseness" Outside Mainland China: Macao and Taiwan through Post—1997 Hong Kong Cinema, Culture Unbound: Journal Of Current Cultural Research, vol. 4, no. 3, pp. 297-325, SocINDEX with Full Text, EBSCOhost, viewed 29 April 2015. Lee, V.P. (2013). Between colony and nation: decolonial visions in Hong Kong independent cinema. New Cinemas: Journal of Contemporary Film, vol. 11, no. 1, pp. 3-21.11: 1, pp. 3-21, EBSCOhost, viewed 29 April 2015. Pang, L. (2007) Postcolonial Hong Kong cinema: utilitarianism and (Trans) local, Postcolonial Studies, vol. 10, no. 4, pp. 413-430, Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost, viewed 28 April 2015. Chu, Y. (2003) Hong Kong Cinema: coloniser, motherland and self, Routledge USA. Zhang, Y. (2012) A companion to Chinese cinema, the Wiley Blackwell productions to national cinema, vol. 20 Malden, USA, John Wiley & Sons. Read More
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