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Disparagement of Blacks in America Due to Drug Enforcement Policies - Coursework Example

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The paper "Disparagement of Blacks in America Due to Drug Enforcement Policies" describes that some of the contributing factors to this relationship showing that many can identify African Americans with criminality comprise actual involvement in the crime…
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Disparagement of Blacks in America Due to Drug Enforcement Policies
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Disparagement of blacks in America due to drug enforcement policies and laws Introduction The racial stereotyping of drug criminals has been an unfortunate and enduring feature of American culture. There are a lot of anti -drug policies that have been arguably developed in recent past used to disparage the black population. However, following rise of the civil rights movement, the link between Blacks and crime was galvanized. The War on Drugs started to intensify in October of 1982, when President Ronald Reagan declared war on drugs and this has been a centerpiece of United States domestic and foreign policy over the past twenty years should not be considered as a war against a given collection of inanimate object. Race has played an essential role over the years in identifying the group that became the focus of the drug war and other drug related policies, consequently divulging their cultural institutions and practices to police control and military-style attack. This paper explores the policies and how they effect on the lives of the black group. The paper also looks at the plans and the strategies for combating the problem (Zerai & Banks, 2002). Various issues have for many years been linked to the various policies that have been implemented by the government of United States that exposes black population as the criminals that perpetuate drug related crimes. The relentless exposure to stereotyping and racism towards this group affects individuals differently. In many cases, responses to such discrimination could be practical in maladaptive decision making in the form of criminal activity. In my critical view the existing research emphasizes often on the social demographics aspects of high crime neighborhoods, and often concluding that racial minority background, low socioeconomic status and various socio-individual factors such as leading naturally to greater susceptibility of criminal activity, single-parent households coincide (Wright &Younts,2009). In reviewing the current research on the black population, there exists a void link to the individual factors that may lead to drug-related behavior. Statement of the problem Despite the fact that the drug war and various anti-drug policies that the government has sought to exterminate controlled substances and eradicate the networks established for drug distribution, this is only part of the story many believe there has been more to it. Targeting Blacks and anti- drug policies argument is further reinforced by a report documenting racial discriminations among drug many offenders sent to United States prison. 3 It reveals that drug law and policies enforcement continue to produce extremely high and disproportionate rates of black population incarceration, specifically for black men. Based on data on current prison admissions given by 34 American states to the National Corrections Reporting Program for 2003from my analysis of the report I was able to reveal that African Americans constituted 53.5 % of all individuals who entered prison due to drug conviction. It was also notable that Blacks were 10.1 times more probable than whites to get into prison for drug offenses; A black man was 11.8 times more probable to be in offense of drug related compared to white man according to the report; for a black woman was 4.8 times more probable than a white woman to go to prison for drug offenses; furthermore the report indicated that among all African Americans going to jail, close to two out of five were convicted of drug related crimes accounting for 38.2 %, compared to one in four whites that is 25.4 as a percent; even though still dramatic, the racial different in the ratio of white to black prison admission rates for drug related offenses in year 2003 was in most states in United States was less than in 1996. Nevertheless, 59,535 adult African Americans who went prison with drug convictions the 34 reporting states from just section of the unknown numbers of Blacks who have been incarcerated over the recent two-and-a-half decades at rates largely disproportionate to whites (OHagen, 2008). Since the mid-1980s during drug problem has been viewed as primarily an urban black problem, although as discussed. According to a report of 2013 by the American Civil Liberties Union, blacks across United States were nearly four times more probable than whites to be confined on charges of marijuana possession in 2010, although data that implied they use the drug at exactly the same rate. In some American states, the probability of black arrested was up to six times more. These disparities as a fact aren’t new and take part into wider arrest data (Miller, 1998) . The fact that blacks are incarcerated in such a great percentages and are arrested and confined at such lopsided rates is shocking. It is obscene in lack of a strong implying that African Americans are accountable for a comparable crime percentage in the United States. This is what forms the logic for the papers concern and probe. There a lot of loopholes in the previous studies conducted by various scholars and there was plenty of room to explore this concerns. The majority of the literature on anti-drug policies and its target on blacks have not been clear or consistent in regards to the steps that policy makers and other implementers should take to stop this problem. This paper also explores that phenomenon and attempts to explain the factors that contributed to this problem. ii) Review literature relative to the problem For years, the dominant American culture has alienated racial and ethnic minority populations (Mauer& Chesney-Lind, 2002; Painter, 2007); explicitly, the black population has consistently been pathologized in entire United States history because of physical, cultural, social and psychological differences and this has been engendered from a legacy of systematic and institutional discrimination and racism. According to Painter (2007), Supremacists of the Whites reported to the minimal economic and educational gains of African Americans after the Reconstruction period using a number of means such as voter disenfranchisement and physical brutality through "extralegal executions” or lynching (Williams, 2004). As an outcome, these pathologizing norms have generated a basis of stigma of criminality, inferiority and limited possibilities for African Americans even it instances of trials of drug-related charges. The fact is that of these normed views; the most damaging could be the suggestion that of African Americans with an increased probability for criminality and drug-related activities. In many ways, the U.S. culture has currently and historically become anesthetized to the African American criminal and drug-related crimes, for instance, unjustly labeling black population as typical perpetrators of drug criminalities (Bryant, 2011) . These views are arguably the reasons why strict anti-drug policies have been targeting the black population. In addition, when drug-related criminal behavior is seen as normative in black populations, diminutive to no positive hindrance efforts occur, while the response to this crime often involves sentencing, harsher treatment, and hence continues the cyclical link to these associations. As an outcome of these lop-sided experiences within the African American group, Painter (2007) pointed out that "in cultural terms, the pervasiveness of incarceration has built jail part of the symbolism of black masculinity" therefore, the constant involvement of excessive criminality and labeling among black population has almost led to a romanticized view about imprisonment among black and perpetuated throughout the media. The relentless exposure to stereotyping and racism towards this group affects individuals differently. In many cases, responses to such discrimination could be practical in maladaptive decision making in the form of criminal activity. In my critical view the existing research emphasizes often on the social demographics aspects of high crime neighborhoods, and often concluding that racial minority background, low socioeconomic status and various socio-individual factors such as leading naturally to greater susceptibility of criminal activity, single-parent households coincide (Wright &Younts,2009). In reviewing the current research on the black population, there exists a void link to the individual factors that may lead to drug-related behavior. Despite proof disclosing that individual’s social environment plays a considerable role in the change of hyper vigilance and drug criminal behavior there is little to no details about other elements that may influence individual’s likelihood towards drug related crimes. Jerome Miller evaluated arrest statistics from various American towns to determine the effect of the War on Drugs on the making of policies. He found great racial disparities in the way that drug arrests were made. He discovered that in many jurisdictions, African American males account for over 80 percent of total drug arrests. For instance, in Baltimore, he found out that African American men were 86 percent of those who had been confined for drug offenses in 1991. He gave a link between the problems the paper addresses. In my view the paper by is a good reflection of the biased policies that have been in place. His paper however can be faulted for not giving enough recommendation and strategies in combating this stated problem. .the paper never devises strategies plans to deal with the problem (Williams, 2004) iii) Theoretical explanation How the anti-drug policies targeted Black Communities By almost all measures, the drug wars effect on African American societies has been devastating. Many African Americans have been unfairly treated, many imprisoned by the criminal justice system, their rights have been violated, and their lives have been seriously affected. These impacts are the results of deliberate decisions; first, to fight against drugs and second, to fight a war against the low-level street dealers in a society populated by individuals of color. Here, I would like to consider the effect of War on Drugs particularly on the African American communities. Misappropriate Arrests and Mass Incarceration. Due to the War on Drugs, African American society suffers from a something I call mass incarceration. African Americans are not only incarcerated, but they are incarcerated at high percentages that are more than the interest of any legitimate law enforcement and which impacts negatively on them as a community. Even though African Americans comprise of only12% of the United States population, they are 46% of those incarcerated in federal and state prisons. As per the statistics taken at the end of 1999, half a million and over of African American women and men were held in federal and state prisons. This disparity is so huge that it cannot be explained especially considering the rate of the incarceration of the African Americans and their proportion in general. The given rate of incarceration shows the probability that any African-American man will be sentenced to a state or federal prison. In 2000, this rate especially for African American males countrywide was 3457 per every 100,000 as compared to the rate of incarceration for the white males which was 449 per every 100,000. In general, therefore, averagely, African American males were more likely to be incarcerated about 7.7 times as compared to white males. In some specific age groups, this racial disparity is even worse. Young men between 25 and 29, who are African Americans, are 8.7 times likely to be incarcerated in comparison to the whites. The African American males of between 18 and 19 years are 8.8 times more likely to be arrested as compared to the whites. Another method of finding out the extent of mass incarceration is by examining the proportion of those African Americans who are serving terms in prison. In some areas, there are as many as a third of given adult male population of the African Americans that may be incarcerated at any point in time. 1.6 percent countrywide of the African American people is in prison. Though, nearly 10 percent of African-American men aged between 25 and 29 are in prison. About 8 percent of African American men aged between 18 and 39 are in prison. The war on drugs has massively resulted to an increase rate of incarceration of blacks. As a commentator once stated, Drug arrests are the main reason why the percentages of blacks who are in prison is high and to be specific, those under criminal justice system have been alarming rate in recent past. Since the war on harmful drugs was declared in 1982, the population of prisons has more than tripled. This rapid rise is more specific in federal institutions. In 1980, the population of the prison was recorded at 24,000, by 1996, it had shot to 106,000. By the year 2000, the population of federal prison was more than 145,000. 57% of those who had been arrested in 2000 were in prison for drug offenses. By 1982, there were averagely 400,000 people incarcerated. In 1992, that number doubled to about 850,000. By 2000, there were more than 1.3 million people in prison (Krohn, 2009). As from 1979 to 1989, the population of African Americans who are arrested for drug felonies was doubling. At the same time, the figure of African Americans who are incarcerated for drug abuse violations has risen from 112,748 to 452,574. This shows an increase of over 300 percent. The allegation that African Americans break the drug laws at a higher rate and that this explains the great disparities that exist in the rates of incarceration and arrest, seems improbable. Most of the drug arrests are done for the crime of possession. This is a crime that all drug users must commit and in the U. S many drug users are white. The United States Public Health Service Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration reported in 1992 that 76 percent of those who used drugs in the United States were white, 8 percent were Hispanic and 14 percent were African American.66 percent of those who used cocaine were white, 15.9 percent were Hispanic and 17.6 percent were Black ( Krohn, 2009). Instead of this statistics explaining the wide range of disparities in the arrest of African Americans, it clearly showed that the African Americans were less probably, than whites to use all other major drugs usually abused apart from heroin. In providing my strategies in combating, this strategy individual in prison for drug-related crimes do not normally receive timely, effective, targeted and on-going drug treatment. In my view, the key to reducing drug-related crime is confronting the fundamental factors that add to offending through raised investment in active, channeled drug treatment and mental health plans as well as family assistance, employment, housing and education. I recommend an approach that is fully disassociated from violent approach to tackling drug-related crimes. My strategies would involve creating a task force to tackle the real issues in drug related crimes. The plan would involve involving all the stakeholders in assisting in solving the problem. These stakeholders may be various government agencies including the police force, drug addicts, religious leaders, the political class, representatives from all the races in United States among others (Brunson & Miller, 2006). The relevance of the strategy is to involve all the affected individuals to assist in tackling the underlying issues in drug crimes instead of pointing out figures and blaming the black population. In many ways, the U.S. culture has currently and historically become anesthetized to the African American criminal and drug-related crimes, for instance, unjustly labeling black population as typical perpetrators of drug criminalities. These views are arguably the reasons why strict anti-drug policies have been targeting the black population. In addition, when drug-related criminal behavior is seen as normative in black populations, diminutive to no positive hindrance efforts occur, while the response to this crime often involves sentencing, harsher treatment. In my view more wise strategies involving the stakeholders in tackling the real challenges. The objective of my strategies is to within the shortest time possible involve all the stakeholders in helping the government agencies in tackling the issues of crimes (Dixon, 2008). The objectives and the goal of the strategy is avoiding violent ways and in solving drug-related crimes and finally eliminate the stereotypes in the mind of many Americans who still believe that drug related crimes are linked to the black population. Successful indicators are linked to reducing the level of black drug-related crime from the government criminal records. Reducing negative perception and linking drugs to the blacks (Krohn, 2009). I would finally recommend a policy such as The Probation Rehabilitation Opportunities Program, or PROPS to help reduce the drug-related crimes and assist probationers’ transition back into their community. The program addresses various behavioral issues by use of clinical application including cognitive-behavioral therapy categories to address the participants alterations with the role of reducing their maladaptive drug behaviors. Exploring such a program may also coincide with this study to look at and understand the effects of clinical treatment on the black population than making stereotype judgment. In conclusion, the current representation of the view of a young Black felon and drug has been the consequence of different representations of crime (Brewer, 2008). Some of the contributing factors to this relationship showing that many can identify African Americans with criminality comprise actual involvement in crime; especially cocaine violations and violent other offenses ( Krohn, 2009). Blacks are inappropriately arrested for the crime as well as inappropriately convicted and incarcerated. Even so, public estimates given for Black criminality still surpass the reality. In addition, the media perpetuate notions linking race with criminality, and this has also been armored by political agendas. The temporary effectiveness of using a racial deception to mislead the public and law enforcement has strengthened views about and capitalized on crime and race. All these incidents have served to conceal the stereotype that the young Black man is a criminal threat amidst the public in present day American society (Botelho, 2012). This at the end stimulates the issue of racial profiling by the officials in charge of criminal justice. The ongoing stereotypes of Blacks as drug criminals continue to justify the law enforcement strategies that exploit race in criminal investigations. It is only when criminal justice officials recognize that the basis of these stereotypes are founded on discriminatory practices or flawed themselves will the foundation of maintaining the unofficial policy and custom of racial profiling of felons be negated. When the relationship between race and drug criminality stops to be obliging, it will be clear that racial profiling does not serve any useful purpose (Botelho, 2012). There are significant issues that require to be urgently addressed to combat the war on crime, and that is not thrown stereotyping a race. There is a need to involve all the major stakeholders and the affected to tackle these key issues and also address issues of anti-drug policy implementation. References Brewer, R. M., &Heitzeg, N. A. (2008). The racialization of crime and punishment: Criminal justice, color-blind racism, and the political economy of the prison industrial complex. American Behavioral Scientist, 51, 625-644. doi: Bryant, W. W. (2011). Internalized racisms association with African American male youths propensity for violence. Journal of Black Studies, 42, 690-707. doi: Brunson, R. K., & Miller, J. (2006). Gender, race, and urban policing: The experience of African American youths. Gender and Society, 20, 531-552. doi: Dixon, T. L. (2008). Crime news and racialized beliefs: Understanding the relationship between local news viewing and perceptions of African Americans and crime. Top of Form Miller, J. G. (1998). Last one over the wall: The Massachusetts experiment in closing reform schools. Columbus: Ohio State University Press. Bottom of Form Top of Form Williams, L. V. M. Q. (2004). Women, crime and the criminal justice system. New York, NY: Feminist Press at the City University of New York. Bottom of Form Top of Form Zerai, A., & Banks, R. (2002). Dehumanizing discourse, anti-drug law, and policy in America: A "crack mothers" nightmare.Aldershot [u.a.: AshgateBottom of Form. Federal Bureau of Prisons.(2012). Quick facts about the bureau of prisons. Retrieved http://www.bop.gov/news/quick.jsp#. Hirschi, T., &Gottfredson, M. G. (2001).Self-control theory.In R. Paternoster, & R. Bachman (Eds.), Explaining criminals and crime (pp. 81-96). Los Angeles: Roxbury. Top of Form OHagen, S. F. (2008). The self-control "muscle": Can training increase strength?. Top of Form Krohn, M. D. (2009). Handbook on Crime and Deviance. Dordrecht: Springer.Bottom of Form Top of Form Walters, G. D. (2014). Drugs, crime, and their relationships: Theory, research, practice, and policy. Bottom of Form Bottom of Form Read More
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