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In order to verify their argument, a unique longitudinal method of sampling was employed where each dataset of respondents facilitated consideration of both the same same-and cross-gender aggression. The survey involved a study of adolescents in three countries at an interval of six month from the springs of 2002 and was completed in the fall of 2005 (Faris & Felmlee, 2011). In regards to this study, the authors found out that rather than the perceived maladjusted reaction associated with social marginal, aggression is inherent to the status and rises with progression in peer status until actualization is attained based on the social hierarchy. As a result, intensity of aggression is least recorded among people at both extremes of the hierarchy (Archier & Coyne, 2005).
Moreover, the researchers notes that an individual’s gender differences have less influence on their aggression level as opposed to their effect on their interactions with other gender and forms of gender isolation at school. It is worth noting that aggression is diminished by abundance of cross-gender relationships (Archier & Coyne, 2005). Robert Faris and Diane Felmlee point out that status distinction is established by cross-gender friendships hence magnifying network centrality consequences (Faris & Felmlee, 2011). Nevertheless, in my own opinion, the study would have been better if the researchers had included forms of aggression, frequency of occurrence, and gender
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e’s home or habitat that impress themselves upon the mind, but also the social groups, traditions and movements into which a person is born or falls into. Henslin explains this standpoint: “In short, people don’t do what they do because of inherited internal mechanisms,
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the hope of the author that the analyst will be able to come to a more informed and actionable understanding concerning the differentials between these related but dissimilar methods of educational instruction.
One of the most intriguing differences that is evidenced within