Is Hong Kong a Democratic Country - Assignment Example

?Is Hong Kong A Democratic Country? Is Hong Kong A Democratic Country? Of all the terms used in political science, the worddemocracy is perhaps one of the most complicated, if not the most commonly misused. In fact, it is pointed out in Unit 3 that “democracy has become the most promiscuous word in the world of public affairs” (Bernard Crick as quoted in Vermeer, Wai-hing, Liu, Luen-tim, & Che-leung, 2011, p. 14) owing to the fact that even known authoritarian states like North Korea and China refer to themselves as people’s democracies. Depending on whom one asks the definition of democracy may change. For example, Aristotle (1995), one of the most profound political thinkers of old defines democracy as “the organization of a city [polis]…[where] the people [demos] is sovereign… [and governance] is directed to the interest of the poor [and not of everyone]” (Aristotle, 1995, pp. 97–101). Meanwhile, the Oxford English Dictionary defines democracy as “[a] government by the people in which the supreme power is vested in the people and exercised directly by them or by their elected agents under a free electoral system (Bureau of International Information Programs, 2010). Or in the words of Abraham Lincoln, it is the government “of the people, by the people, and for the people” (Democracy Building, 2004). Old democracies such as Athens and Rome were created as a response to the concentration and abuse of power by the wealthy ruling class. Through a democratic form of government, citizens could form an “assembly to discuss major issues, make public policies, enact law and appoint officials” (Vermeer, Wai-hing, Liu, et al., 2011a). With the rise of democratic states, citizens discovered new power never before afforded to them. Yet, despite the beauty of democracy in the city states, many sectors of society, including women, children, slaves and males with no military training, were essentially marginalized because they were not considered as citizens. Direct democracy practiced in the city states may have enabled more people to rule, but power became concentrated among individuals who already had power in the first place. It paved the way for oligarchy as each statesman tended to push for his own interest without regard for the needs of his wards. In this sense, democracy was successful at decentralizing power, but it did not help improve the welfare of the general population. Our modern definition of democracy, one that “champions the development and well-being of the individual” (Museum of Australian Democracy, 2013) was developed only in the late 17th century. It is based on four main principles: (1) that the individual is both moral and rational, (2) that growth and development is the natural condition of civilizations and politics is a way to ensure the sustenance of the process, (3) that every individual desires order and cooperation, (4) that people believe in the sharing of power (Museum of Australian Democracy, 2013). Today, citizens cannot exercise their right to enact laws or appoint officials directly, but there is a general agreement that governments have to protect the citizen’s basic human rights. Through representation, citizens expect their rulers to: (1) safeguard the constitutional provision for basic human rights, including, but not limited to, religious liberty, freedom of expression and the right to vote, (2) ensure the separation of powers between the various institutions (executive, legislative, judicial) of the state, and (3) work towards good governance through the eradication of corruption and the promotion of public interest (Democracy Building, 2004). If one explores this modern concept of democracy and applies it to Hong Kong, then one may say that Hong Kong is a democratic state. The Basic Law provides guidelines on the relationship of Hong Kong and the Central government in Beijing, as well as express the rights and duties of its people, and the state’s political structure (Vermeer, Wai-hing, Liu, et al., 2011a). The executive, legislative and judicial functions of the state are also separated and independent, and lastly, there is a resounding call for good governance and greater accountability among government officials. The declaration that Hong Kong is a democracy is based on very shallow assumptions, and this is actually the very reason why the term is widely misused in the modern world. Every government wants to improve the welfare of its people – how they do it is what makes them different from each other. For example, North Korea adheres to communism and believes that every individual has the right to resources, whether or not they are able to work for it. Through their current political structure, North Korean officials are able to provide basic needs to all their citizens because no one owns more than the others. Moreover, there are also checks and balances in their government structure, hence preventing abuse of power by the rulers. Some leaders of the commune are also elected. And yet, one cannot call North Korea as s democracy because it offers a different view of legitimacy, justice, freedom and power (Museum of Australian Democracy, 2013). We shall explore in the next paragraphs how these four elements are exhibited in Hong Kong. The cessation of British rule in Hong Kong and the creation of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) enabled it to create a system all its own, thereby allowing “Hong Kong people [to rule] Hong Kong” (Vermeer, Wai-hing, Che-leung, Luen-tim, & Liu, 2011, p. 30). Under the Basic Law, it has now become a requirement for the Chief Executive (CE) to gain support through elections, unlike before when he was appointed. “The ultimate aim is to have the Chief Executive selected by universal suffrage upon nomination by a ‘broadly representative nominating committee’” (Vermeer, Wai-hing, Che-leung, et al., 2011, p. 33). Through elections, the CE’s rule is legitimized. Unlike the United States and Australia however, selection of the CE is limited to an election committee composed of 800 members and ordinary voters cannot take part in this process. Moreover, formerly powerless Legislative Committee (LegCo) can force the CE to resign if there is sign of abuse of power. Through these new methods, the CE’s power has become limited as he has to consider the needs of various interest groups. Despite the limit to the CE’s powers, however, one may still say that he still has considerable influence. For example, the CE can reject bills, as well as dissolve the LegCo at least once in his term (Vermeer, Wai-hing, Che-leung, et al., 2011, p. 32). Moreover, only 50% of the LegCo are elected, the other half are appointed by the CE, which makes it difficult to say whether LegCo can be considered as a real balance in the power of the CE. While the CE is no longer the head of LegCo, he still holds absolute power over the members of the Executive Committee (ExCo). ExCo members are appointed and removed by the CE and its function is simply to assist decision making. The CE is obliged to consult the ExCo, but he does not need approval before making final decisions. Our reading notes that “HKSAR remains very much an executive-led political system” (Vermeer, Wai-hing, Che-leung, et al., 2011, p. 34), and can still dominate the LegCo in many instances. This is not surprising as mainland China also prefers power to be concentrated in the executive rather, than the legislative branch in their own system. Perhaps one of the most glaring changes in HKSAR after the turnover is the capacity for final adjudication. For the first time, final adjudication now belongs to Hong Kong whereas before, it relied on the Privy Council in Britain (Vermeer, Wai-hing, Che-leung, et al., 2011, p. 40). Yet, one has to note that of the three branches of the government, the judiciary has always been independent as the CE has little or no capacity to remove justices from the courts. Surveys show that political participation in Hong Kong is relatively low, despite the existence of strong interest groups and political parties (Vermeer, Wai-hing, Liu, Luen-tim, & Che-leung, 2011b). This is, of course, no wonder, as citizens have no hand in the selection of their leaders. Moreover, most people in the territory are traders and businesspeople – they are either too comfortable, or too busy to rock the boat through political gatherings. It is important to note, however, that while HKSAR records low political participation rates, there are more and more people who are getting involved in various political processes, which is a sign of increased politicization. In sum, one may say that Hong Kong has come a long way from being an oligarchic system to a more democratic one, but there is still a long way ahead. Being part of a socialist republic, and its long history of colonial rule, it is understandable that power in HKSAR is still relatively centralized. One has to remember that it has only been a few years since the territory was allowed to rule itself, and just like any other child, it learning first to crawl, before it learns to walk and then run. The good news is that rulers of HKSAR is taking all steps necessary to ensure that its people will get the best service that the government can offer. While Hong Kong is still a long way from liberal democracy, it is no longer an exclusive club of males. Who knows, maybe in the next few years, new developments in political process may be made and there will be greater liberty for everyone in the territory. Works Cited Aristotle. (1995). Politics. New York: Oxford University Press. Bureau of International Information Programs. (2010). Defining Democracy. United States Department of State. Retrieved December 14, 2013, from http://www.ait.org.tw/infousa/zhtw/docs/whatsdem/whatdm2.htm Democracy Building. (2004). A Short Definition of Democracy. Democracy Building. Retrieved December 14, 2013, from http://www.democracy-building.info/definition-democracy.html Museum of Australian Democracy. (2013). Defining Democracy. Museum of Australian Democracy. Vermeer, R., Wai-hing, C., Che-leung, C. K., Luen-tim, P. L., & Liu, G. (2011). Politics: The Political Development of Hong Kong. Kowloon: The Open University of Hong Kong. Vermeer, R., Wai-hing, C., Liu, G., Luen-tim, P. L., & Che-leung, C. K. (2011a). Politics: Introducing Politics. Kowloon: The Open University of Hong Kong. Vermeer, R., Wai-hing, C., Liu, G., Luen-tim, P. L., & Che-leung, C. K. (2011b). Politics: Political Power in Hong Kong and the PRC. Kowloon: The Open University of Hong Kong. Read More