Race, Class and Gender: Hispanic and Black Women - Coursework Example

?Hispanic and Black Women Theory The theory that will be used is the theory that race, and gender have meaning at the macro level and the microlevel (Fiske-Rusciano, 2009). What this means is that race, class and gender have meaning to the individuals who are in that race, class and gender, as far as how it affects their personal lives. Their everyday lives are affected by these social constructs. At the same time, race, class and gender also have meaning on the macro level of community and society. The macro level is known as social structural, while the micro level is known as social psychological (Fiske-Rusciano, 2009). When there are broad changes in society, according to Weber (1998), then race, class and gender play a part in how these groups are affected by these societal changes. For example, if there is a recession, black women might be affected differently by the recession than are white women or black men. Examining issues at a micro level gives meaning to statistics about these groups – it gives life to the otherwise flat statistics about this group or that, and it brings new meaning to what is known at the macro level. Likewise, these individual groups may experience oppression and domination as a whole, but, on the individual level, these feelings of oppression and domination might be mediated by a kind teacher, a loving family and a supportive community (Weber, 1998). Looking at these groups at an individual level, as well as a macro level, is how to best understand their lives. Therefore, the best way to approach the topic would be to make broad statements about black women and Hispanic women, and include how the broad aspects of their lives are mediated on a more individual level. Black Women Black women is the first ethnic and gender group that will be examined (Collins, 2009). Black women, as a group, has been treated harshly throughout the years, mainly due to stereotypes about them as a whole. Among these stereotypes are that of the Jezebel, a dark-skinned temptress and harlot who is devoted to false gods; “mammy,” who is a happy and caring slave care-taker who is overweight, happy, lazy, stupid and submissive; sapphire, the loud and domineering black woman so named for Sapphire in the Amos and Andy radio and television shows in the 1940s and 1950s; welfare queens, so named by Ronald Reagan, and portrays black women as shiftless, lazy, baby-making and unwed; and crack whores, who use crack and will do anything to get their fix (Windsor, 2013). These stereotypes are socially constructed by those who are in power. However, the lives of individual black women do not necessarily follow these stereotypes (Croissiant). The black women, on an individual level, might be looked at according to these stereotypes, but they do not internalize the stereotypes and do not act them out. For instance, the study conducted by Windsor (2013) found that the black women in his study did not adopt promiscuous behavior, therefore they did not internalize the Jezebel image. However, these same participants felt that others treated them like Jezebels, in that they were treated as sexual objects with little or no power. This is illustrated by the stories of two of the participants, Peaches and Carmen, both of whom were repeatedly raped by different people throughout their childhood and adolescent years. As for the crack whore image, Peaches, who was a participant in the study, did fit the mold, in that she was a crack whore. But she was a crack whore because of the oppression and structural barriers she had encountered in her life. As for the welfare queen and the mammy images, the participants in this study often had contact with the welfare system, but it was emphasized that it was because of lack of educational and job opportunities that they were forced into this. One of the participants, Carmen, felt that she encountered discrimination and prejudice when she tried to collect these welfare benefits. The Sapphire image was the most positive one for the African American women in this study, in that it implies that black women can make it and rise above the violence and oppression if they really try, and one of the participants stated that she had learned how to deal with her impoverished situation so that she could learn to overcome. If black women are treated as stereotypes, not people, they have a way to cope, and that is turning to religious traditions. These religious traditions construct social reality for the group of black women by giving them a more positive image to aspire to (Salvi). Ferraro and Koch (1994) further note that religion gives social support and a feeling of belonging to African American women. It also provides a sense of consolation for groups that feel oppressed and are faced with adversity, and can be used to make sense of their world, which is often filled with adversity. Therefore, the social reality that is constructed through religion, for the African American group, is a social reality that provides social support and the feeling that they belong to a group that is cohesive and a buttress against the world, while also bringing them comfort in their situation, knowing that there is a better place beyond this one that they will aspire to after they die. Moreover, as Musgrave (2002) notes, black women, in particular, use prayer, the Bible and church community as a way to meet daily needs. These women, according to Musgrave (2002), are more likely to participate in religious institutions, attend church and pray than are black men. Hispanic Women For Hispanic women, as with black women, religion generally plays a large part in their daily lives. There are a wide variety of cultural groups that comprise the overall group known as Hispanics, but there are unifying characteristics among them, and part of these unifying characteristics includes the adherence to some type of religion. However, according to Musgrave (2002), Hispanic women, as a whole, see religion tied more to the supernatural than do black women. They see health and disease as being holistic, which means that disease and health are not just physical, but also have a spiritual, moral, metaphysical and psychological dimension. Therefore, both health and sickness are seen as coming from God, as a punishment or a gift, according to Musgrave (2002). A frequent theme among these women, then, is that if they conform to God’s will, they might overcome disease. Therefore, religious belief for Hispanic women influence their life, their health, their illness and death (Musgrave, 2002). As with black women, Hispanic women experience oppression in that they are not a part of the dominant class, and this is how power affects their assimilation process into the dominant world (Mayo, 1996). The sociopolitical legacy of the Hispanics is that many of them came from Latin American countries that were asserting their independence from Spanish colonial rule towards the beginning of the nineteenth century, only to come under control of various military chieftains. This ethos of a powerful, and dominant, ruling class has transferred over to personal and individual Latino households, as the men in these households have assumed dominance over the women and children in the household (Mayo & Resnick, 1996). Mayo and Resnick (1996) further state that, because Latin American countries have been ruled by governments that institute violence as a way of controlling the masses, poor Latina women are more likely to accept patriarchal violence than other Latinas who are not poor. Women are also likely to live in an atmosphere that is dominate by the man, and this familial atmosphere is one that discourages “individual initiative, imagination, and enterprise for women” (Mayo & Resnick, 1996, p. 262). The males of the household are seen as superior, and this is how social gender roles and behavior in Hispanic societies and families is determined – the man is assured of dominance, because the religious and legal systems accord him this role (Mayo & Resnick, 1996). Yet, Hispanic women in America experience this kind of dominance/submission roles less than do their Latin American counterparts. This is because, as a whole, Hispanic women living in the United States are more likely to let their voice be heard, and more likely to stand up to the man in the family than are the women who are living in Latin American countries (Mayo & Resnick, 1996). Yet, these women, too, are culturally forced to submit to the man by their mothers and grandmothers, and still accept men as being the head of the household, even if they are more likely to stand up to the man and less likely to take abuse than women living in the Latin American countries (Mayo & Resnick, 1996). Because of this, there is a barrier for Latina women to be able to evolve from the traditional roles – Hispanic women are, essentially, caught between the old culture of the Latin America countries and the new culture of the United States, and they often are complacent and accepting of the status quo (Mayo & Resnick, 1996). This is how the macro environment, which is the acculturation which comes from centuries of dominant male rule in Latin American countries affects the micro environment of individual Hispanic women. Conclusion Hispanic women and black women face individual challenges that are related to their gender, race and class. Black women face the challenge that they are often stereotyped, and it does not help that so many black women fit one stereotype or another. For instance, in the study that was cited above, the women who responded to the study fit at least one stereotype, sometimes multiple ones. Peaches was a crack whore, and Carmen was on welfare. Marie, another participant in the study, ran illegal operations and was on welfare. This was an article about challenging stereotypes, yet all the women who participated in this study were embodiments of these stereotypes. Meanwhile, Hispanic women face their own challenges that are slightly different from black women, although many of both of the group’s problems stem from patriarchal and dominant attitudes coming from the men of their race. The Hispanic women’s challenges are that, culturally, men are dominant and this is how it is accepted in this culture. There were so many centuries of dominant Latin rulers who ruled by violence that violence has become ingrained in the Latin culture, and there is a general acceptance of dominance of the male over the female. This is a challenge for Latin women in America, as this would present a barrier to their individual achievement in the academic and career fields. If they are supposed to submit to their husbands, then this is a reinforcement of the traditional female role of the subservient. The emphasis of these studies is that class also has much to do with this – the black women who were studied by Windsor et al. (2011) were all poor, and the implication was this was part of the reason why these women fit so neatly into the stereotypes about black women in general. Meanwhile, the other article about the Hispanic women stated that the poor Latina women are more accepting of male domination, because the poor is so oppressed and dominated in the Latin countries from which these women hailed. There is a mediating affect in both groups, and that is the effect of religion on them. Black women see religion are comforting and a way to bond socially with others who are struggling as they are. In this way, religion provides a way to socially construct their identities. Hispanic women are reliant upon religion as well, but for different reasons – for them, spiritual matters are tied with health matters, so health and disease are seen holistically and religion is a way to treat specific physiological conditions. Nevertheless, religion seems to be a way for both groups to find some kind of solace for their oppressive conditions that they typically face in society and at home. Bibliography Crossiant, C. Not hiding beneath my skin. Ferraro, K. & Koch, J. (1994) Religion and health among black and white adults: Examining social support and consolation. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 33.4: 363-375. Fiske-Rusciano, R. (2009) Experiencing race, class and gender in the United States. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Musgrave, C. (2002) Spirituality and health for women of color. American Journal of Public Health, 92.4: 557-560. Quinones-Mayo, Y. & Resnick, R. (1996) The impact of machismo on Hispanic women. Affilia, 11: 257-277. Salvi, C. I want to be beautiful. Weber, L. (1998) A conceptual framework for understanding race, class, gender and sexuality. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 13.32: 13-32. Windsor, L., Dunlap, E. & Golub, A. (2011) Challenging controlling images, oppression, poverty and other structural constraints: Survival strategies among African American women in distressed households. Journal of African-American Studies, 15.3: 290-306. Read More