Social Movements in Relation to Marx, Weber, Foucault, Wolf and Comaroff - Term Paper Example

Social Movements The Sri Lankan Sarvodaya Shramadana movement is a program of economic development that is defined reinterpreted values of Buddhist. The movement was founded in 1958 by A. T. Ariyaratne a high school teacher at a prestigious Buddhist school called Nalanda College in Colombo, Sri Lanka. The aim of the movement was to broaden the students experience and understanding of the actual state of affairs in rural as well as poor urban areas. The term Sarvodaya has the meaning of “the awakening of us all”. These movements accentuated enlightenment through sharing as well as merge spiritual and social change. The word Shramadana on the other hand means the act of giving one’s labor devoid of material rewards since the reward is attained in the form of good karma for future purposes, and peace of mind (Bond and Danilyn, 168). The movement have over the years progressed to become one of the most influential indigenous Nongovernmental Organization in Sri Lanka, having its own programs as well as strategies of development .it was incorporated as a national movement by an Act of parliament passed in 1972. The Sarvodaya Shramadana movement rejected both capitalist and communist model of development; the capitalist model heartens competition, individualism, affluence, and consumerism while communist on the other hand encourages use of violent revolution as well as institutional social economic structures that are state imposed. The movement thus seeks a middle ground to socio economic development, putting more emphasis on missions that are associated with developing harmony among different ethnic groups, venerating cultural survival, projects for preserving biodiversity, community economics, and organic agriculture. The vision of Sarvodaya Shramadana movement of providing a new social order is founded on Ghandis’ principles of non-violence, which are in congruence with Buddha Dharma teaching. These teachings and ethos are also in conformity with the principle in Buddhist which is to the effect that a person who takes care of his spiritual well-being thinks about others, in addition a person who concerned about others cares for his spiritual well being (Premasiri 5). The movement acknowledges four philosophies of personality development as the core pillars of Buddhist rural culture in Sri Lanka. These four principles include: sympathetic joy, loving kindness, equanimity, and compassion (Bond and Danilyn, 169). The principles of Sarvodaya are therefore founded on detachment from desire, sensation of suffering as well as compassion. According to Hoang, the movement believes that, socio-economic development and the religion of Buddhism are not necessarily conflicting (14). This is however true as long as the values enshrined in Buddhism control, delimits as well as shape the goals and means of socio economic development. The movement is not in any way opposed to the welfare movement of the people but rather to the welfare state which denies people their inventiveness. As such, the Sarvodaya Shramadana movement encourages a society in which the members of such community design and implement their own welfare work while the state authority responsibility is just limited to encouraging as well s inspiring the society in their responsibilities as well as to give a helping hand where need arises. According to the movement, the initial step towards attaining social economic development and indeed everything is access to work. It emphasizes that people should strive towards double emancipation according to the teachings of Buddhism. This double liberation involves the liberation of the whole community from any form of unwarranted socio-economic conditions or circumstances using ways that are not violent. Secondly, by means of liberation can be found attained by freeing an individual’s mind from its own limitations. The double liberation according to the movement can be achieved by sharing, getting involved in the community holistic dev elopement, and by participating in community work (Bond and Danilyn, 170). The principles applies by the Sarvodaya Shramadana movement illuminate the processes of power in as defined by Weber’s theory of power. In his theory Weber is of the view that power s the ability of the Player to recognize his or her motivation in a social action despite hindrances from other players. In this regard therefore, power is associated with the capability to command resources in a given sphere of influence. The principles in the Sarvodaya Shramadana movement illuminates the process of power as espoused by Weber in that as Weber puts it societal power involves economic powers, political, social and legal powers. Sarvodaya Shramadana movement illuminates this process from its principle that states that the initial step towards attaining social economic development and indeed everything is access to work (economic, social empowerment) (Weber, 42) In west, Papua Christianity was introduced by German Protestants missionaries in the 1855. Colonial occupation of Papua consolidated Christianity in the country. For purposes of covering the whole country and also avoid interference with each other’s work the missionaries in the West Papua into catholic and protestant zones of influence. West Papua was not however given the pluralistic religious land as it were. The Dutch rule maintained the country a monolithic Christian country. For this reason, the role of Christianity became very vital in the development of nationalism in Papua. Nationalism in West Papua arose as a reaction of Indonesia attempt to annex it. Accordingly, religion took a center stage in the struggle for west Papua between Indonesia and Netherlands (Bond and Danilyn, 146). Anthropologists are of the view that Christian churches missions and schools promoted particular interpretation of ritual and scripture for purposes of constructing specific kinds of believers in Papua (Asad, 35). In his article Nationalism and Millennialism in West Papua, Danilyn Rutherford states that the Dutch colonial government spread threatening Islamization propaganda for purposes of creating anti Indonesian sentimental among the Christian West Papua. The Dutch colonial government warned the Papuans that they would be compelled to convert to Islam. Even though Indonesia was dominantly a Muslim country the allegations claimed by the Dutch were unfounded as the Sukarno era in Indonesia did not as a matter of fact harbor such an agenda. At the long run, West Papua joined Indonesia and the Christian took the fore front in voicing violation of human rights committed by the security forces of Indonesia. The Catholic Church in 1998 opened a justice and peace office in the Indonesian city of Jayapura for purposes addressing human rights violation as well as to build a culture of peace. The tyranny rule of President Suharto came to an end in 1998. His 32 years dictatorial rule ended amidst widespread nationalistic movements that were so rampant across the country. New political opportunities were opened with the end of that rule giving the people of West Papua a good opportunity to develop nationalistic movements from the grassroots (Bond and Danilyn, 147). West Papua held public demonstrations which were characterized by hoisting of flag with a morning star throughout the territory. There was a delegate formed by leaders of west Papua to meet the new president B.J.Habibie in which meeting the delegates of west Papua declared their intention to become independent from Indonesia. The use of institutions such as churches by Papuans illuminates Weber’s compulsory organizations. Such organizations according to Weber include church, which put into effect a form of supernatural coercion while the state on the other hand, claimed a monopoly on the lawful use of force. The 1999 and 2000 seems to have been the victorious years of West Papua and the independent leadership of the region took a staunch stand. There were two successful national congresses where the Papuans had an opportunity to choose their political leader under the title PDP (Presidium Dewan Papua). The state designed two paths through which territorial independence would be achieved. The initial path was aimed at amending the dubious history that Indonesia had spread, while the second was to kick start and international political campaign about the state. These two campaigns were aimed at initiating the liberation struggle for purposes of ensuring that basic human rights of the Papuan people and their territorial integrity are followed to the letter. The Presidium Dewan Papua asked the Indonesian government to consider an investigation in to the historical background for purposes of determining whether or not West Papua could have been part of Indonesia. If so, the people of Papua would be very much willing to let go their demand of self determination. However in the event the study reveals otherwise, then the people of west Papua ought to be granted their independent forthwith from Indonesian imperialism. The Presidium Dewan Papua also asked at the world level for acknowledgement of institutions as well as states which played an active part in robbing the Papuan their right to self determination through handing them over to Indonesia. In the meantime, the two Papuan congresses decide to unite the various independent movements for purposes of accelerating independence struggle under a united front. This step was very significant because the major weakness encountered in the nationalistic movements in Papua were absence of unity amongst different nationalist movements in West Papua. Even though from the eyes of those who robbed the Papuans their right for self-determination and indeed their basic right the nation may seem defenseless and feeble. Nevertheless the state possesses an outright assurance that it has asserted to the whole world. This conviction is that the truth shall prevail (Bond and Danilyn, 148). The social movements of Papuan people illuminate the processes of power in through a communal action as espoused by Weber. In the process of communal action, Weber states that it originates from a shared conviction of affiliation. This sentiment and conviction of affiliation coordinate and motivate their action. In Weber’s process of power further espouses that societal action emanates from a rational adjustment of the peoples interest. Yet the motivation of such communal action is not in any way related to an existing shared purpose but rather a realization of an existing interest (Weber, 17). The Papuan social movements thus, illuminate the Weber’s process of power in the sense that the nationalistic movements were motivated by a shared interest and that was to attain self- determination and independence from the domination of Indonesia. According to Weber, the society is organized in three dimensions. These three dimensions include class, status, and party in which people can be grouped under as they constitute social order. In his theory, law exists in instances where there is likelihood that a given order will be observed by a specific group of individuals who will use psychical or physical compulsion for purposes of achieving compliances with the order, or imposing sanctions for contravening the order. He further argue that, the structure of any given legal order affect directly distribution of economic, power, or otherwise in a given community (Weber, 1). Power is therefore understood through the change of an individual or a number of individuals who realizes their own will through a communal action notwithstanding the confrontation of others who are taking part in the stroke. The process of power in the Sarvodaya Shramadana movement illuminates Weber’s theory of class, status, and party in that despite all the resistance the movement enlightened the community about their role enabling them to realize their own will through communal action. In the Papuan social movements the process of power illuminates Weber’s theory of class, status, and party in the since that the Christian community among the Papuans realized their common goal and that was to achieve self- determination, this brought the movement together despite the resistance staged by the Indonesian government to deny them their independence. To Weber, economic power is not the same as the real power. This economic power is only incidental to existing power on other basis. This follows the fact that the struggle for power in humankind is not aimed solely on enhancing their economic status. It therefore follows that power, as well as economic power, can be evaluated for through its own merit. Striving for power is more often than not conditioned by the honor it entails in a given society. The distribution of social honor in a community is what Weber refers to as social order. The social order is therefore influenced by the economic order. Status group, parties, and classes become observable fact of power distribution within a community. Works Cited Bond, George and Danilyn, Rutherford. Social movements: an anthropological reader. Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub, 2005 print. Weber, M. Class, Status, Party. 2004. Web. 24/2/2012. http://www.scribd.com/doc/39235956/Weber-Max-Class-Status-Party Weber, Max. Economy and Society. California: University of California Press, 1978 print. Read More