The policy issue has been widely discussed by various advocacy groups such as the Australian Council of Social Service (ACOSS), the Business Council of Australia, Catholic Social Services Australia, public opinion and even federal government commissions have highlighted some of the deficiencies of the Newstart Program, pointing out that the increasing inequality between Newstart allowances and average income levels, other forms of income support offered to working age Australians or welfare payments has resulted in the program becoming a poverty trap for the unemployed (ACOSS, 2012; AAP General News Wire, 2012; Grahame and Marston ,2012).
These advocacy groups and recipients of the allowances themselves have pointed out that the allowances are too meager to support a decent living which is compounded by the rising cost of living and no intention to increase them by government (Bita, 2012). This only exacerbates the marginalization and stigmatization of their recipients, forcing them into poverty and housing distress and further reducing their chances of seeking long term and stable employment (Bita 2012; Siewert, 2012). The arguments in the article are presented with the implicit assumptions that the reader will readily identify with the rationale presented and drive to the same conclusion.
The author presupposes for the reader that the Newstart allowances are clearly inadequate and even “heartless” and rhetorically suggests that Federal government policy has actually exacerbated the problems facing the unemployed. She buttresses her argument for indexing the Newstart allowances against the wage movements using a combination of macroeconomic logic and common sense by arguing that while the policy rationale behind the Newstart program was to create a deliberate disincentive for overreliance on the allowance and an incentive to seek employment, the current levels of allowances could actually compromise the very goal the program set out to achieve.
This is a fairly self-evident argument which has nonetheless been supported by other commentators who have similarly concluded that low levels of the Newstart allowance have actually acted as a disincentive for seeking long-term employment by resulting in marginalisation and stigmatisation of the unemployed and that they continue to increase the risk of entrenching poverty among the unemployed in Australia. The situation has also been exacerbated by the rising cost of living in Australia which lends credibility to the author’s argument that the allowances should be indexed to the wage movements.
The Newstart allowance is therefore an important socio-economic program in shielding a significant part of the Australian prospective labour force from poverty as they search for suitable employment. The allowances enable them to confidently apply for jobs or acquire new skills without the threat of descending into poverty. The article cites several authorities to justify the policy prescriptions being advocated for. The author cites as evidence the recommendation by the Australian Council of Social Services (ACOSS) that Newstart allowances be increased to $50 a week and the Henry Tax Review which recommends that allowances be segmented according to those who can participate and those who cannot (Siewert, 2012; ACOSS, 2012).
The article provides several policy prescriptions to address the issue at hand. First, it suggests that Newstart allowances should be increased to cushion its recipients from poverty and also that the allowances should be further segmented according to people who can participate in the various activities under employment pathway plans to increase employment prospects such as applying for jobs, skills training or volunteering or by participating in a labour market program. The recommendation to segment the allowance or allow variations in the levels is based on the argument that different groups of recipients have different needs at different times and that living on Newstart allowances similarly has different impacts on different groups of recipients (Siewert, 2012).
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