The Morality of Indigenous Health - Literature review Example

Morality of Indigenous Health Name Institution Date Literature review on Morality of Indigenous Health Introduction According to the publishment made by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (2009) the gap of life expectancy between non-Indigenous and Indigenous Australians was twelve years for males and ten years for females, while the gap of life expectancy for the Northern Territory Indigenous was around 50 percent more than the state figures. In order to understand the difference in the gap of health among the Australians, Zhao and Dempsey (2006) argued that almost 80 percent of the difference is as a result of chronic disease. Some of the leading chronic diseases that attribute to the greater Indigenous mortality include and not limited to genitourinary disease, cardiovascular disease, respiratory disease, and diabetes. In discussing the morality of Indigenous health, this review will hence analyse the idea that if the determinants of the life expectancy gap are known and how chronic diseases can be treated, how then is it that the gap still remains. Some of the main issues will be discussed. Socioeconomic disadvantage There exists an overwhelming connection involving the social disparities faced by Indigenous individuals and their present status of health. According to Healey (2008) this social shortcoming, directly linked to dispossession or denial and demonstrated by powerlessness and poverty, is presented in terms of their employment, income, and education. Additionally, Zhao et al (2013) consider socioeconomic shortcomings as entailing the following elements; low standards of living, low workforce participation, lack of food that is healthy, overcrowding, and unemployment. It is important to note that in an attempt to close the gap of life expectancy, the socioeconomic factors ought to be addressed first. According to Zhao et al (2013), reducing poverty ought to be put directly at the hub of the strategy in order to constrict the health gap of aboriginal people. This is because, if this strategy is not considered, endeavours made within sector of prevention movements like cessation of smoking, obesity and alcohol control campaigns, are likely to be challenged because of poverty. Thomson et al (2010) state that with respect to socioeconomic disadvantage, the aboriginal people are more prone to have higher incarceration rates, higher frequencies of children held in protection orders, lower degrees of educational attendance and achievement, lower unemployment rates, and lower household incomes’ levels. Tobacco smoking raises the possibility of lung disease, some cancers, cardiovascular disease, and a number of other medical conditions (Carson, 2007). Another medical concern is passive smoking, with children principally susceptible. According to Thomas, et al, (2008) nearly 50 percent of aboriginal individuals aged eighteen years and above reported to 2004-2005 NATSISS as daily smokers, with the rate being a little higher for individuals residing within remote regions (52 percent) compared to those residing within non-remote regions (49 percent). Since 1995, it is noted that the rate of smoking for aboriginal individuals has not actually changed. The percentage of aboriginal males who smoked on a daily basis (51 percent) was to some extent higher compared with the percentage of aboriginal females who did (49 percent) (Carson, 2007). According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics (2006), the percentage of individuals smoking on a day to day basis were comparable for Indigenous people (50 percent) and Torres Strait Islanders (49 percent) in general, but the percentage of day to day smokers among Islanders of Torres Strait residing within the region of Torres Strait was lesser (38 percent). Following the adjustment for age structures differences of the 2 populace, smoking daily was more common by 2.2 times among aboriginal individuals of fifteen years or more than with their non-aboriginal counterparts (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2006). Research again and again shows that smoking prevalence is greater among aboriginal individuals than among the non-aboriginal individuals (Healey, 2008). For instance, the 2001 National Drug Strategy Household Survey, established that 45 percent of aboriginal individuals who smoked on a daily basis were 14years and above. This figure was more than two times the percentage of their counterparts who are non-aboriginal. Carson (2007), states that excessive use of alcohol can lead to diabetes, some cancers, cardiovascular disease, epilepsy, pancreatis, and mainly liver disease. Among the aboriginals, alcohol use is considered the major contributor to violence and injury. Research has consistently shown that aboriginal individuals are less expected to consume alcohol compared with the non-aboriginal individuals; however, those who drink are to a great extent likely to drink at hazardous degrees. These discoveries have been supported by the NATSIHS 2004-2005, which established that the percentages of individuals of 18 years and above who had certainly not taken alcohol or for not less than one year had not consumed alcohol was 24 percent for aboriginal individuals and 15 percent for individuals that are non-indigenous (Healey, 2008). 17% of aboriginal men and eleven percent of aboriginal men who were eighteen years or more had never taken alcohol or in the past one year had not consumed; the percentages for aboriginal and non-aboriginal females were thirty percent and twenty percent correspondingly (Healey, 2008). Conversely, research shows that the percentages of individuals aged eighteen years or more who used alcohol at the level of high risk were eight percent for aboriginal individuals and six percent for non-aboriginal individuals (Carson, 2007). Alcohol consumption at high risk was accounted for eleven percent of aboriginal males and eight percent of non-aboriginal men, and for six percent of aboriginal women and three percent of non-aboriginal women (Healey, 2008). Consumption of alcohol at high risk extents or risky levels was very common with indigenous individuals of eighteen years or more (17 percent) compared with Islanders of the Torres Strait within that range of age (13 percent). The degree of high risk or risky consumption of alcohol was consistent among Islanders of the Torres Strait residing in the region of Torres Strait (9 percent) (Carson, 2007). According to Brady (2010), among the principal social and health issues experienced by young indigenous individuals in Australia presently is volatile solvents’ use. The preferred substance for young indigenous people within the remote and rural areas of the nation if petrol, basically due to its ready accessibility, affordability and the promptness of mood adjustment its inhalation generates. There exist a number of random investigations and government analysis, although little policy- or socially-oriented study has been carried out to tackle the matter (Healey, 2008). This implies that the policy by the government (for instance, whether sniffing should be criminalized) and efforts of health education (to minimise or emphasize the potential risks) have actually been impeded by insufficient as well as ill-informed information (Brady, 2010). Glue sniffing which is also a volatile solvent abuse is the common practice among the aboriginals because of their socioeconomic disadvantage (Carson, 2007). This substance is readily available and its use through inhalation causes severe health issues. It is established that volatile solvent abuser both petrol and glue are often considered (by non-indigenous) to pose a risk to the public, instead of the race’s survival. For various years, the occurrence of substance abuse has been determined greatly by the level of social interference together with property damage linked to sniffing, instead of by the real degree of this practice (Brady, 2010). Domestic violence is considered a serious matter for indigenous and Islanders of Torres Strait in Australia. Al-Yaman, et al, (2006) contend that violence within the aboriginal individuals is a problem that is multi-dimensional that presents itself within a series of medical as well as associated social outcomes. Some of the causal factors that lead to domestic violence have been categorized into three namely; precipitating causes, underlying factors, and situational factors. According to Memmott et al (2001), the aggressive land dispossession and progressing cultural deficiency during the previous two hundred years have led to particular economic, social, psychological, emotional, and physical problems for aboriginals, which are demonstrated in the elevated degree of violence within their communities. Whereas these social issues have their basis in the objective trauma as well as violence inflicted on indigenous individuals, they cause violence by themselves. Sokoloff (2004) contends that, even though inequality of gender is among the factors describing the domestic violence distressing marginalized females within the United States, class and race which are other structural disparities cannot be overlooked. Some studies argue that accounting on high extents of domestic violence in certain communities like aboriginals leads to those societies being labelled as violent principally due to alcohol as well as other substance abuse (Carson, 2007). Geography is among the key health determinants (Carson, 2007). Healey (2008) contends that whereas deaths as a result of cancer, heart disease, respiratory diseases, injuries, and diabetes are still the key matters for every indigenous individual, indigenous individuals residing within the Western rural part of Australia normally face higher degrees of hospitalization and mortality compared with those residing in the metropolitan region. This outcome might be accredited to nearly 66 percent of indigenous Western Australians living in rural, distant and isolated regions. Research shows that historically services of health in these regions have been ethnically improper because of the geographical and cultural inaccessibility, as well as cost factors (Carson, 2007). Lack of cultural understanding According to Commonwealth Ombudsman (Australia) (2009), the Northern Territory Emergency Response (NTER), also referred to as the intervention, is a collection of measured intended to defend children, make societies safe and construct a healthier future for individuals living in aboriginal societies as well as city camps within the Northern region. The previous Australian Government announced the NTER in 2007 June after the release of report named the Little Children are Sacred by the Government of the Northern Territory which brought state attention to proof of child mistreatment within the aboriginal societies in the Northern Territory (Commonwealth Ombudsman (Australia), 2009). Research shows that after colonization, a set of legislative Acts that were protective were passed which successfully governed every life aspect for indigenous and Islanders of Torres Strait, such as where they can work, live as well who they relate with (Healey, 2008). It is approximated that during 1910 and 1970 1 in 3 aboriginal children were compulsorily separated from their communities and families to be put in church missions, institutions, fostered or adopted (Carson, 2007). It is contended that the aboriginal people need to rule themselves in the remote regions according to their culture because self-determination, similarly in politics is a global rule standard stating that countries must liberally choose their control and status with no interference or compulsion (Lea, 2008). Australian Bureau of Statistics & Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (2008) show that Indigenous Australians’ health needs are greatly fulfilled via the funding in addition to delivery of mainstream services of health, with services particularly targeting Indigenous people and Torres Strait Islanders complementing these conventional services. In a wider perspective, frequently accused of improper coordination agencies of Commonwealth Government are starting to get involved in the holistic philosophy and think further than the borders, conceptualize wide outcomes, and appreciate commonality areas (Commonwealth Ombudsman (Australia), 2009). On the other hand, officials of the government face a network of uncoordinated aboriginal structures to find the way. Of the hundreds of indigenous organizations there exists potential for an aboriginal Australian government order, but endeavours like aboriginal organizations’ coalitions cannot present rational policy positions (Lea, 2008). Conclusion In conclusion, the purpose of this paper was to analyse why the life expectancy gap is still high among the aboriginals. It is noted that, in order to close the life expectancy gap within the aboriginal people is it very imperative to improve the socioeconomic status, cessation of smoking and alcohol. This paper has reviewed the impact of risk factors in relation to health inequalities, and recommends that decreasing poverty ought to be put directly at the hub of the approaches to seal the life expectancy gap among the aboriginal. In an effort to meet the needs of autonomy and competence it is imperative to recognize aboriginal individuals’ diverse cultures, structures of social organization, decision-making and governance so that power and responsibility could be transferred to aboriginal communities to establish decisions that involve them. Reference Australian Bureau of Statistics: Experimental Life Tables for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians, 2005–2007. Canberra: ABS: 2009. Zhao,Y., et al. (2013). Top of FormDecomposing Indigenous life expectancy gap by risk factors: a life table analysis Population Health Metrics. Published online 2013 January 29. doi: 10.1186/1478-7954-11-1 Zhao, Y., & Dempsey, K. (2006). Causes of inequality in life expectancy between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people in the Northern Territory, 1981–2000: a decomposition analysis. Med J Aust. 184:490-494. Thomson, N., et al. (2010). Summary of selected social indicators. Retrieved on 26 March, 2013 from http://www.healthinfonet.ecu.edu.au/determinants/social- issues/reviews/selected-social-indicators Australian Bureau of Statistics (2006) National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Survey: Australia, 2004-05. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics. Australian Bureau of Statistics, Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. (2008). The health and welfare of Australia's Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics and Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. Brady, M. (2010). Petrol sniffing among Aboriginals. Retrieved on 27 March, 2013 from http://www.drugtext.org/Minorities/petrol-sniffing-among-aboriginals.html Sokoloff, N., (2004). Domestic violence at the crossroads: violence against poor women and women of color. Women’s Studies Quarterly 32(3/4):139–47. Memmott, P., et al. (2001). Violence in Indigenous communities.Canberra: Commonwealth Attorney-General’s Department. Al-Yaman, F., et al. (2006). Family violence among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Cat. no. IHW 17. Canberra: AIHW. Commonwealth Ombudsman (Australia). (2009). Northern Territory Emergency Response (NTER): Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs : asbestos surveys : communication issues. Canberra: Commonwealth Ombudsman. Lea, T. (2008). Bureaucrats and bleeding hearts: Indigenous health in northern Australia. Sydney, NSW: UNSW Press. Thomas, D. P., et al. (2008). The social determinants of being an Indigenous non-smoker. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Public Health, 32, 2, 110-6. Carson, B. (2007). Social determinants of indigenous health. Crows Nest, N.S.W: Allen & Unwin. Healey, J. (2008). Indigenous disadvantage. Thirroul, N.S.W: Spinney Press. Read More

Carson (2007), states that excessive use of alcohol can lead to diabetes, some cancers, cardiovascular disease, epilepsy, pancreatis, and mainly liver disease. Among the aboriginals, alcohol use is considered the major contributor to violence and injury. Research has consistently shown that aboriginal individuals are less expected to consume alcohol compared with the non-aboriginal individuals; however, those who drink are to a great extent likely to drink at hazardous degrees. These discoveries have been supported by the NATSIHS 2004-2005, which established that the percentages of individuals of 18 years and above who had certainly not taken alcohol or for not less than one year had not consumed alcohol was 24 percent for aboriginal individuals and 15 percent for individuals that are non-indigenous (Healey, 2008).

17% of aboriginal men and eleven percent of aboriginal men who were eighteen years or more had never taken alcohol or in the past one year had not consumed; the percentages for aboriginal and non-aboriginal females were thirty percent and twenty percent correspondingly (Healey, 2008). Conversely, research shows that the percentages of individuals aged eighteen years or more who used alcohol at the level of high risk were eight percent for aboriginal individuals and six percent for non-aboriginal individuals (Carson, 2007).

Alcohol consumption at high risk was accounted for eleven percent of aboriginal males and eight percent of non-aboriginal men, and for six percent of aboriginal women and three percent of non-aboriginal women (Healey, 2008). Consumption of alcohol at high risk extents or risky levels was very common with indigenous individuals of eighteen years or more (17 percent) compared with Islanders of the Torres Strait within that range of age (13 percent). The degree of high risk or risky consumption of alcohol was consistent among Islanders of the Torres Strait residing in the region of Torres Strait (9 percent) (Carson, 2007).

According to Brady (2010), among the principal social and health issues experienced by young indigenous individuals in Australia presently is volatile solvents’ use. The preferred substance for young indigenous people within the remote and rural areas of the nation if petrol, basically due to its ready accessibility, affordability and the promptness of mood adjustment its inhalation generates. There exist a number of random investigations and government analysis, although little policy- or socially-oriented study has been carried out to tackle the matter (Healey, 2008).

This implies that the policy by the government (for instance, whether sniffing should be criminalized) and efforts of health education (to minimise or emphasize the potential risks) have actually been impeded by insufficient as well as ill-informed information (Brady, 2010). Glue sniffing which is also a volatile solvent abuse is the common practice among the aboriginals because of their socioeconomic disadvantage (Carson, 2007). This substance is readily available and its use through inhalation causes severe health issues.

It is established that volatile solvent abuser both petrol and glue are often considered (by non-indigenous) to pose a risk to the public, instead of the race’s survival. For various years, the occurrence of substance abuse has been determined greatly by the level of social interference together with property damage linked to sniffing, instead of by the real degree of this practice (Brady, 2010). Domestic violence is considered a serious matter for indigenous and Islanders of Torres Strait in Australia.

Al-Yaman, et al, (2006) contend that violence within the aboriginal individuals is a problem that is multi-dimensional that presents itself within a series of medical as well as associated social outcomes. Some of the causal factors that lead to domestic violence have been categorized into three namely; precipitating causes, underlying factors, and situational factors. According to Memmott et al (2001), the aggressive land dispossession and progressing cultural deficiency during the previous two hundred years have led to particular economic, social, psychological, emotional, and physical problems for aboriginals, which are demonstrated in the elevated degree of violence within their communities.

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