Prostitution As A Social Deviance - Research Proposal Example

Running Head: Prostitution As A Social Deviance Prostitution As A Social Deviance [The Writer’s Name] [The Name of the Institution] Prostitution As A Social Deviance Abstract Traditional gender related explanations of deviance are biased. This is because gender and its associated paradigms of masculinity and femininity lie on the fundamental principle of male superiority and dominance over women within both social and political-economic spheres. Women have gender specific roles and expectations reinforced by the institution of family, of which the scope for "normal" behaviour is both considerably more narrow and restrictive compared to that of men (Alberta Government 2000). Explanations of women's engagement in deviant acts have traditionally tended to rely on positivistic explanations, which centralises expectations, which reflect marital and reproductive roles. Deviation from dominant notions of femininity was viewed as a consequence of biological defect. Feminist theories of women's deviance are based upon a Marxist like premise that women are structurally disadvantaged. Radical feminists see male domination and female subordination as a manifestation of the patriarchal society we exist in. Feminist theory views women's engagement in deviant acts as "the result of social oppression and economic dependency upon men or the welfare apparatus of the state" as opposed to construction of gender identity against the dominant notions of femininity. From a feminist perspective, the criminalisation process and labelling of women as deviant is laden with sexist assumptions, which act to reinforce the structural inequalities of gender in our patriarchal society. It is these sex-based assumptions of gender role expectations that determine how deviant behaviour is construed (Alberta Government 2001). Introduction Socialisation theories explain acts of female deviance by inadequate socialisation, resulting in violations of gender appropriate behaviour. The concept of socialisation is grounded by the paradigm of internalisation of norms, which encapsulate the dominant notions of society. It is argued that women who have experienced poor socialisation may be more vulnerable to male influence and manipulation, which can result in sex based deviancy such as women's involvement in prostitution (Alberta Government). The interactionist perspective explains women deviance as an outcome of the labelling interaction process occurring between people. Thus "deviance...... is a consequence of the application by others of rules and sanctions to an offender". To be labelled deviant through social interactional processes casts women into a "master status". That is the woman's public identity is destroyed and reinstated with one of a lower status, associated with disapproving and negative characteristic traits. Methodology As John Brackett describes in his article "The Florentine Onesta and the Control of Prostitution, 1403-1680", several of the citizens of Florence regarded prostitution as immoral and viewed it with suspicion. The prevailing thought was that women should not flaunt their libidinous intentions even in the most clandestine settings, and certainly not advertise themselves in public. However, many also realized that lasciviousness was, at the time, a necessity which would be difficult to eradicate altogether. Therefore, the Italian government created the Onesta (Office of Decency) to regulate the practice of prostitution (Alberta Task Force 2004). Instead, the Onesta became a device of exploitation and completely ostacized prostitutes from tyhe rest of the community. Under the Onesta's jurisdiction, all prostitutes were required to register themselves with the government. The outskirts of the city were sectioned off as bordellos and designated as the only residential places for prostitution, as well as the only areas of the city where they could legally continue their vocation. In addition, the Onesta outlined a dress code to distinguish such women, forbidding them tow ear articles of clothing such as pearls or silk. Furthermore, the Onesta imposed a general tax of one scudo on prostitutes, a hefty sum in seventeenth century Italy, and also levied substantial fines for various infractions of the Onesta's regulations (Backhouse, 2005, 387-423). By 1680, it became apparent that the Onesta was not the beneficial institution the government had initially envisioned. Most prostitutes simply refused to register themselves with the Onesta, preferring to engage in freelance prostitution. Another reason for not registering was that a prostitute's success depended on her not being identified as such, for even males who sought their services did not wish to tarnish their reputation with a common street whore. The excessive fees and fines levied on prostitution also discouraged registration, since these expenses could easily surpass what even a skilled hooker could extract from a well paying client. By the end of the seventeenth century, the Italian government completely criminalized the practice of prostitution (Backhouse, Constance B. 2001). While Italy's views on prostitution seemed draconian, the Netherlands took a less critical stance on the issue. As Benjamin Roberts points out in "Wearing out a fool's shoes:Sexual Advice for Youth in Holland's Golden Age", any form of fornication that did not take place "in the marriage bed and for the sake of procreation defied the laws of God." However, their attitude toward prostitution was rather nonchalant. Though certainly seen as a vile and filthy occupation, the Dutch expressed some tolerance toward it, stating that the prostitutes simply performed the service of satisfying sexual vices (Barry, Andrew, 2002). Finding Prostitution, from its earliest inceptions, has carried a rather unflattering connotation. A majority of the population attaches pejorative labels such as "slut" or "whore" to its practitioners, and deem the institution in general as a taboo subject not mentioned in polite conversation. Regardless of its negative stereotypes, prostitution has become an omnipresent reality even in today's modern world. This essay looks at prostitution in three European countries- Italy, The Netherlands, and England. It will examine how most people viewed such an establishment, the various methods of regulation (if such means existed), and the resulting consequences on seventeenth century society. Most of Europe viewed prostitution in the seventeenth century as a degrading and disreputable means of making a living. This was especially true in Italy, particularly in the city of Florence, which had been transformed by the Renaissance into the cultural and artistic center of the country. As a result, many prostitutes flocked to Florence due to the potential for lavish financial gains. Most of these women of ill repute migrated from the northern countries of Germany, The Netherlands, and Belgium. Only around fifteen percent of Florentine prostitutes came from Italian origins (Black, Donald J 2004). Roberts draws heavily on Jacob Cat's paradigm of the "slippery slope" to explain prostitution in The Netherlands. Roberts begins by taking something innocuous, like playing tennis. Following a logical progression he states that tennis was played for money, which is a form of gambling. Gambling eventually led to drunkenness, which inhibited the mind's ability to distinguish between right and wrong. Therefore, one was more likely to submit themselves to sins of the flesh and abandon their religious principles. In essence, Roberts argues that playing tennis could lead to engaging in prostitution! While certainly a faulty line of reasoning, many Dutch citizens followed this linear thinking process (Cohen, Albert K. 2004). As was the case in Italy, most Dutch prostitutes were not originally from The Netherlands. Many filtered in via Amsterdam from Central Europe, and some trickled into the country from as far away as Japan. Amsterdam, due to its status as one of the largest commercial centers in Europe, attracted merchants from around the world who sometimes exchanged their desired commodities for sex. Because of this, the city's red light district prospered as prostitutes were able to find a steady supply of wealthy clientele. Unlike Italy's policies toward prostitution, The Netherlands imposed very little regulation on the practice. In contrast, many of the laws concerning such behavior actually served to protect these women. For example, a prostitute could sue a client in a court of law if the customer refused to pay for her services. In addition, a prostitute could seek criminal charges and monetary restitution for rape. If a client were to impregnate a prostitute, he could even be forced into marrying her and paying child support (Roach Anleu, Sharyn L. 2005). For the most part, prostitution in The Netherlands was perceived as a necessary organization that could prove beneficial to the overall sexual consciousness of society. Most citizens believed that prostitution could correct sexual deviance because there were no emotional strings attached. Simply put, a client would pay a prostitute for sex and afterward she would move on to the next customer, leaving the john broke and teaching him an expensive lesson in the process. People hoped that this unorthodox approach would nonetheless be an effective deterrent toward further prostitution. In England, prostitution was a different case model altogether. Melissa Mowry, in her article "Dressing Up, Dressing Down: Prostitution, Pornography, and the Seventeenth-Century English Textile Industry", argues that the system of prostitution was a product of capitalism. Poverty ran rampant in seventeenth century England, and even married women were not spared the indignity of occasionally resorting to prostitution as a second means of income (Mundy G and Caffery S. 2000). Thus, many English citizens saw prostitution as a problem afflicting the working middle class. Many poorer prostitutes attempted to mask their indigence by dressing in a similar fashion to that of the elite English courtesans. As in The Netherlands, merchants made up the large majority of an English prostitute's clientele, and as such they exchanged sexual favors for powdered wigs, various cosmetics, pearls, and silk dresses in order to present themselves as more affluent members of society. Though the English possessed a mild toleration of prostitution, they would not permit the blurring of social classes. To rectify the situation, the English government forbade any consorting between prostitutes and merchants. To further separate ties between these two groups, Parliament placed a ban in certain areas of England on the buying and selling of jewelry, makeup, and silk dresses. In other parts of the country, the government opted to impose outrageously high tariffs on such items of luxury (Glover Edward, 2003). Unfortunately, the government's plan to eliminate prostitution backfired. Even many of the upper class women, who commonly bought beauty enhancement products, felt the financial burden placed upon them. In addition, merchants rebelled against these new reforms by boycotting certain ports like Newcastle, Monmouth, and Liverpool, refusing to dock there and peddle their wares. Ultimately England, threatened with economic strife and unable to legally stop the practice of prostitution, followed Italy's lead and completely criminalized the practice (Heiner R. 2004). Conclusion In conclusion, prostitution in seventeenth century Europe developed an unappealing reputation, but continued to thrive because many people saw it as necessary to the survival of society. Though most people accepted prostitution to a certain degree, they also sought to manipulate and exploit the system for personal gain. However, in most cases control over this system failed because it became impossible to monitor the shady activities of prostitutes. The merely two alternative were absolute legalization or entirety criminalization. Although prostitution will almost certainly uphold its seedy insinuation, it will yet carry on to be an perpetual attendance for more than a few years to come (Felson M 2005). After investigating prostitution and its manifold causes, students in a twelfth grade English class will be able to analyze and synthesize the information to determine primary, secondary, and tertiary causation and hypothesize about actions that might ameliorate the problems that lead to prostitution which, in turn, will be a step towards eradicating prostitution (at least decreasing its frequency). Students will understand that most problems, like prostitution, do not exist in a vacuum and must be analyzed carefully, divergently, and comprehensively to find the best solution (Felson M 2005). Reference Alberta Government 2000 Press Release: Protection of Children Involved in Prostitution Act. Edmonton: Government of Alberta. Alberta Government 2001 Press Release: Government to Amend Law Protecting Children Involved in Prostitution. Edmonton: Government of Alberta. Alberta Government (Year Unknown) Overview: Protection of Children Involved in Prostitution Act. Edmonton: Government of Alberta. http://www.acs.gov.ab.ca/initiatives/prostitution/pros_main. htm Alberta Task Force on Children Involved in Prostitution (Forsyth Committee) 2004 Children Involved in Prostitution. Edmonton: Ministry of Family and Social Services. Backhouse, Constance B. 2005 Nineteenth-century Canadian prostitution law: Reflection of a discriminatory society. Social History XVII: 387-423. Backhouse, Constance B. 2001 Petticoats and Prejudice: Women and Law in Nineteenth Century Canada. The Osgoode Society. Toronto: Women's Press. Barry, Andrew, Thomas Osborne, and Nikolas Rose (eds.) 2002 Foucault and Political Reason: Liberalism, Neo-Liberalism and Rationalities of Government. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press Black, Donald J 2004, The Behaviour of Law, Academic Press, New York United States. Cohen, Albert K. 2004, The Elasticity of Evil: Changes in the Social Definition of Deviance, Basil Blackwell, Oxford. Roach Anleu, Sharyn L. 2005, Deviance Conformity and Control, 2nd Ed Longman House, Melbourne Australia. Mundy G and Caffery S. 2000, Crime, Deviance and Society, Greenwich University Press, United Kingdom. Glover Edward, 2003, The Psychopathology of Prostitution, Institute for the Study and Treatment of Delinquency. Heiner R. (editor) 2004, Criminology, West Publishing Company New York. Felson M 2005. Crime and Everyday Life, 2nd Ed Pine Forge Press California, Untied States Read More

The interactionist perspective explains women deviance as an outcome of the labelling interaction process occurring between people. Thus "deviance...... is a consequence of the application by others of rules and sanctions to an offender". To be labelled deviant through social interactional processes casts women into a "master status". That is the woman's public identity is destroyed and reinstated with one of a lower status, associated with disapproving and negative characteristic traits. Methodology As John Brackett describes in his article "The Florentine Onesta and the Control of Prostitution, 1403-1680", several of the citizens of Florence regarded prostitution as immoral and viewed it with suspicion. The prevailing thought was that women should not flaunt their libidinous intentions even in the most clandestine settings, and certainly not advertise themselves in public. However, many also realized that lasciviousness was, at the time, a necessity which would be difficult to eradicate altogether. Therefore, the Italian government created the Onesta (Office of Decency) to regulate the practice of prostitution (Alberta Task Force 2004). Instead, the Onesta became a device of exploitation and completely ostacized prostitutes from tyhe rest of the community. Under the Onesta's jurisdiction, all prostitutes were required to register themselves with the government. The outskirts of the city were sectioned off as bordellos and designated as the only residential places for prostitution, as well as the only areas of the city where they could legally continue their vocation. In addition, the Onesta outlined a dress code to distinguish such women, forbidding them tow ear articles of clothing such as pearls or silk. Furthermore, the Onesta imposed a general tax of one scudo on prostitutes, a hefty sum in seventeenth century Italy, and also levied substantial fines for various infractions of the Onesta's regulations (Backhouse, 2005, 387-423). By 1680, it became apparent that the Onesta was not the beneficial institution the government had initially envisioned. Most prostitutes simply refused to register themselves with the Onesta, preferring to engage in freelance prostitution. Another reason for not registering was that a prostitute's success depended on her not being identified as such, for even males who sought their services did not wish to tarnish their reputation with a common street whore. The excessive fees and fines levied on prostitution also discouraged registration, since these expenses could easily surpass what even a skilled hooker could extract from a well paying client. By the end of the seventeenth century, the Italian government completely criminalized the practice of prostitution (Backhouse, Constance B. 2001). While Italy's views on prostitution seemed draconian, the Netherlands took a less critical stance on the issue. As Benjamin Roberts points out in "Wearing out a fool's shoes:Sexual Advice for Youth in Holland's Golden Age", any form of fornication that did not take place "in the marriage bed and for the sake of procreation defied the laws of God." However, their attitude toward prostitution was rather nonchalant. Though certainly seen as a vile and filthy occupation, the Dutch expressed some tolerance toward it, stating that the prostitutes simply performed the service of satisfying sexual vices (Barry, Andrew, 2002). Finding Prostitution, from its earliest inceptions, has carried a rather unflattering connotation. A majority of the population attaches pejorative labels such as "slut" or "whore" to its practitioners, and deem the institution in general as a taboo subject not mentioned in polite conversation. Regardless of its negative stereotypes, prostitution has become an omnipresent reality even in today's modern world. This essay looks at prostitution in three European countries- Italy, The Netherlands, and England. It will examine how most people viewed such an establishment, the various methods of regulation (if such means existed), and the resulting consequences on seventeenth century society. Read More